Monday, November 25, 2024

Zambia at a Crossroads: Will the Nation Choose HH’s Reforms or Lungu’s Legacy?

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Zambia at a Crossroads: Will the Nation Choose HH’s Reforms or Lungu’s Legacy?

By Dayton Lowe

Zambia finds itself at a critical juncture, facing tough questions about the nation’s direction. Since Hakainde Hichilema (HH) assumed the presidency in 2021, comparisons between his administration and that of his predecessor, Edgar Lungu, have sparked fervent debate. While HH has taken on the mantle of reformer, critics argue that his successes are built upon the very foundation that Lungu laid during his time in office. This begs the question: have HH’s policies truly altered Zambia’s trajectory, or is he riding the coattails of Lungu’s infrastructure legacy?

As the country grapples with economic difficulties, political polarization, and regional divisions, the choice between these two figures representing starkly different approaches to governance has come to symbolize more than just a political rivalry. It is a reflection of the broader struggle over Zambia’s future direction. Should the nation look forward with optimism for long-term reform, or do the visible benefits of Lungu’s populism justify a return to his leadership style?

Infrastructure: Foundation or Burden?

One of the most pressing aspects of this debate centers around infrastructure. Under Lungu, Zambia witnessed rapid infrastructure growth, with the construction of schools, hospitals, and roads, especially in rural areas. Supporters of Lungu argue that these developments were crucial in providing the necessary foundation for sectors such as healthcare and education, which HH has been credited for expanding. In their view, Lungu’s government created the infrastructure, and Hichilema is merely completing a project that had already been initiated. This has led some to suggest that HH’s administration is reaping the benefits of seeds sown by his predecessor.

However, it is important to note that Lungu’s ambitious infrastructure drive came with significant financial consequences. The country’s debt soared during his time in office, raising concerns about Zambia’s economic stability. By the time HH assumed office, Zambia was one of the most indebted nations in Africa, with a debt-to-GDP ratio exceeding 120%. While the physical infrastructure exists, critics of Lungu highlight the immense financial burden it placed on the nation. They argue that without economic reform, the infrastructure Lungu built could become a liability.

On the other hand, HH’s administration has shifted its focus to stabilizing the economy and restructuring Zambia’s debt. His economic approach contrasts sharply with Lungu’s populist policies, as he has implemented austerity measures, including the removal of fuel and electricity subsidies, to secure an IMF bailout. While this has caused significant hardship for ordinary Zambians, HH and his supporters believe that these difficult decisions are necessary for long-term stability.

Populism vs. Reform: A Battle of Economic Ideologies

The debate between short-term relief and long-term reform is central to the discussion surrounding HH and Lungu. Under Lungu’s administration, the government subsidized fuel and essential goods like mealie meal, which helped maintain low living costs. This earned him widespread support among the general populace, particularly in rural areas where the impact of infrastructure development was most visible.

However, this economic model was unsustainable in the long run. Lungu’s critics argue that by focusing on immediate gains, his government neglected the long-term consequences of rising debt. They contend that his populist approach left Zambia vulnerable to economic collapse, with the country struggling to service its loans and facing significant economic challenges when HH took office.

Hichilema’s government, in contrast, has taken a more pragmatic approach. Faced with an economic crisis, his administration sought a $1.3 billion bailout from the IMF to stabilize Zambia’s finances. This decision, while necessary, came at a high price for ordinary Zambians. The removal of subsidies led to soaring fuel and electricity costs, which had a cascading effect on prices across the economy. Many Zambians, particularly those who benefitted from Lungu’s populist policies, have expressed dissatisfaction with HH’s reforms, leading to a rise in public discontent.

Yet, HH’s supporters argue that the pain is temporary and that his policies are geared toward securing a more stable economic future. They believe that without Hichilema’s interventions, Zambia’s financial situation would have worsened, and the infrastructure built during Lungu’s presidency might have become unsustainable. In this view, HH’s administration represents a necessary course correction after years of unchecked borrowing and spending.

Governance and Human Rights: Contrasts and Continuities

The differences between the two administrations extend beyond economic policy to issues of governance and human rights. Under Lungu, Zambia faced significant criticism for human rights abuses, with accusations of political repression and the misuse of the Public Order Act to suppress opposition voices. The police were accused of harassing opposition leaders, and the ruling Patriotic Front (PF) was often seen as using its influence to stifle dissent.

Hichilema campaigned on a platform of restoring democratic governance and eliminating corruption. While his government has made some strides in improving governance, critics argue that political persecution has continued under his watch. The arrests of several high-profile PF officials, including former ministers, have led some to accuse HH of using the judiciary to settle political scores. This has only deepened the political divide in Zambia, with tensions between HH and Lungu supporters simmering.

The personal rivalry between Hichilema and Lungu has also played a significant role in shaping the current political climate. The 2023 incident in which Lungu’s motorcade was stopped by police during an unscheduled public appearance fueled speculation about ongoing tensions between the two leaders. While Hichilema described the incident as a mistake, it highlighted the fragile relationship between Zambia’s political factions.

Social Policies: Education and Health at the Forefront

Despite the challenges, one area where Hichilema has been widely praised is his introduction of free education. This policy has been lauded as a significant step toward reducing inequality and providing more opportunities for Zambia’s youth. Along with the hiring of additional teachers, doctors, and nurses, HH’s government has made substantial strides in improving access to essential services.

However, critics argue that these achievements would not have been possible without the infrastructure laid down by Lungu’s administration. Schools and hospitals that were built under Lungu now serve as the backbone of Hichilema’s expanded social services. This has led some to suggest that HH’s successes are, in fact, a continuation of Lungu’s legacy, rather than a product of his own policies.

Nevertheless, supporters of Hichilema point out that building infrastructure alone is not enough. Without the fiscal adjustments made by HH’s administration, it is unlikely that these jobs would have been created or sustained. In their view, Hichilema’s budget prioritization and policy focus are what truly allowed for the expansion of services in education and health.

Tribalism and Regionalism: Old Wounds Resurface

One of the most divisive aspects of Zambia’s political landscape under both Lungu and Hichilema has been the issue of tribalism and regionalism. Lungu’s support base was primarily in Eastern Province and Muchinga, while Hichilema’s stronghold lies in Southern Province. This has led to accusations of favoritism and tribalism, with critics on both sides accusing the other of advancing their own ethnic group’s interests.

Since taking office, Hichilema has sought to promote national unity and reduce the influence of tribalism in politics. However, the deep-seated regional divisions in Zambia continue to shape political discourse. Opposition parties, particularly the PF, have accused Hichilema of sidelining regions that supported Lungu, contributing to an increasingly polarized political climate.

Cadreism has also been a persistent issue under both administrations. While HH has made efforts to curb the influence of political cadres, the problem persists, with allegations that UPND-aligned cadres are now exerting control in markets and public spaces. This has led some to argue that while the faces may have changed, the underlying issues remain the same.

The Choice Before Zambia: HH’s Vision or Lungu’s Legacy?

As Zambia looks to the future, the debate between Hichilema’s long-term reforms and Lungu’s populist legacy will continue to shape the nation’s political landscape. HH’s supporters argue that his government is laying the groundwork for a more stable and prosperous Zambia, despite the immediate economic hardships. In contrast, Lungu’s backers believe that his infrastructure projects and populist policies provided tangible benefits that the current administration has yet to replicate.

The question that looms large is whether Zambians will choose to endure the short-term pain of HH’s reforms for the promise of a brighter future, or if nostalgia for the perceived stability of Lungu’s era will lead to a return to his leadership style. Either way, the road ahead for Zambia will be shaped by the legacy of these two contrasting visions—one focused on reform and long-term sustainability, the other on immediate relief and populist appeal.

Zambia stands at a crossroads, and the nation’s future hangs in the balance. The choice between HH and Lungu is not just about two men—it is about two competing visions for the country. The decision will have profound implications for generations to come, as Zambia navigates the delicate balance between economic reform, infrastructure development, and political unity.

Will Zambia embrace Hichilema’s reforms, or will Lungu’s legacy continue to shape the nation’s future? The debate is far from over, and the answer may define the course of Zambia’s history.

By Dayton Lowe
1500 Ramiro Crest Gleichnerport, NV 77260

 

38 COMMENTS

  1. Even impressive infrastructure like the SM Kapwepwe airport that looks so appealing is said to look like a Zambeef sausage. While one has cemented his legacy, we are yet to see the achievements of the current leader who is fond of condemning genuine effort of his predecessor.

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  2. Zambia is not at a cross roads. No one in their right mind thinks of Lungu coming back. HH’s spirit of resurrecting dead things that PF killed will cement him as the best president in Zambia so far.

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    • HH is the worst criminal who is killing the youth aspirations in the nation. HH is for HH and no one else. You have duped by this criminal to the point of glorifying him like Jesus and Muhammad did to the ignorant masses.

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  3. There are no reforms under HH apart from haphazard actions.
    And Lungu doens’t bring any consolation at all. The should stay one hundred kilometres from government offices.
    I always wonder why people say there’s no one apart from these two…. out of twenty million people?

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    • I agree with you coz we need a totally different politician who can do better, UPND like comparing themselves to PF as it is the standard measure and so far their performance doesn’t offer any consolation or comfort coz they’ve miserable failed to deliver their promises three years down the line

  4. Lungu’s Legacy?
    What is Lungu’s Legacy?
    Lungu’s Legacy is state sponsored violence and terrorism against citizens, corruption and the first African country to default on its debt.
    Are you really telling me that Zambians are so dumb that they will vote to have this state of affairs again?

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  5. We saw under Lungu some infrastructure developments, saw Zambians travelling aross the globe tradind, we saw pipo building modern houses, road construction works, they stole & invested in Zambia. Now the nation is on PAUSE

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    • ‘They stole and invested in Zambia’..And you think thats being clever.?The poverty you feel today is because that stolen money was misplaced from national development to personal stomachs. You would never have flown in one of Malanji’s helicopters or slept in Esther mansions, not to speak of the hunger disease and ignorance inflicted on law abiding citizens by a clique of thieves.

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    • Yes, there was a lot of corruption and money circulated freely among the well-connected as ordinary Zambians wallowed in poverty. The money you’re talking about is the reason Zambia has unsustainable debt. Infrastructure came an an astronomical cost because there were kickbacks in every project. More money ended up in people’s pockets through corruption than capital projects.

  6. The infrastructure legacy is total bull! most PF infrastructure was overpriced and is already collapsing and having to be redone.PF bought helicopers,built personal mansions and bought gass-guzzling suvs, all from public funds.They kept zebras that they fed on lawn grass.Unemployed vagabonds found themselves with huge amounts of unexplained cash which they made their beds.Some others forgot that we have banks in Zambia and decided to bank with their nieces and girlfriends.Who ever raised their voices would be shot dead by PF police.What legacy!!!?

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    • Sometimes it is better to keep quiet than displaying your ignorance. What has HH done for Zambia thus far? How much has he invested Zambian wealth in his name? Who did he hand the mines to? Himself. He is the worst criminal politician Zambia has ever experienced and seen. Ask any Zambian whether they are better off today than 3 years ago. That will come to your senses.

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  7. Every time i visited ZED from here ( USA ), i felt the sense of pride in-terms of infrastructure developments & the progressiveness of pipo then, was in ZED recently my God.. i dont care some of you who will disagree to this… it takes you to live in foreign nation to see how your nation is doing. I left ZED in 1997 & i do NOT support PF but what i saw had me smiling for ZED

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  8. “Mu Zambia, no wonder you are backward & poor with such minds. Muzadya ifyani, wait!!! You need to be exposed man & junk out the village backwardness mentality. Muzalila just wait

    • UFIMBENUMA.You must be living in a gettho in the rust-belt of the US,if you are there at all,to compare any development in the US to Zambia.You can never compare a super developed country with a third world country.Lusaka is not Zambia my dear baboon.PF drove Zambia ten years back from a lower middle income country to a least developed country, in the same league as Somalia,Chad,Haiti.You should have smiled going to Rwanda or Angola.Take a hike,dunderhead.

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  9. Policies can be on the right track but must be matched by a hard working population. Hours spent on social media and costly selfies can take Zambia a long way.

    • It only takes a seconds to flash a camera seconds to get a selfie. Similarly, this is a digital world and social media is part of our lives. When our leaders proclaim that Zambians spend a lot of time on internet always parrots are keen to repeat that lie. When the same Zambians go on the same media to praise the same leaders, vuvuzelas credit it. That is hypocrisy at worst.

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  10. Corruption and nepotism was very high in the previous administration. Let’s all fight this scourge first and development shall follow seamlessly

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    • While there is a decent attempt at resolving corruption, it is hard to say the same about nepotism and tribalism. There is a general practice to ‘equalize” with the nepotism of the previous regime that UPND has no moral high ground to call the PF out on nepotism.

  11. HH and UPND have one year to prove to the Zambian people that their reforms are yielding fruit. That year is 2025. UPND will hope that they have some good luck with rainfall, which should all but make loadshedding a thing of the recent past as we await another such crisis. That said, anyone that assumes that ECL will find his name on another ballot is delusional. That chapter is closed. Courts are playing games of delay with him such that he and his partners are left in limbo as they search for an alternative candidate of obscure popularity. ECL’s eligibility is so strange that ECZ can merely exercise its interpretation of the law because courts would have conflicting rulings.

  12. The problem here is that educated people see opportunities in Zambia, but those that stay that side which I will not mention see darkness and spend most of their lives in darkness and talking, drinking beer and womanising while 10% are seriously grabbing the current opportunities. Anyway, for the sake of that group, problem means opportunities, just one you are in money!

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  13. “…..construction of roads, especially in rural areas”: this is completely not true. My home town has only one tarred road passing through the so called CBD, constructed during UNIP days. Maybe the writing should be “….construction of roads, especially in PF strongholds”.

  14. Zambians are not fair with New Dawn Administration by comparing it wit the PF Lungu administration. Under PF although cadres were flushing cash all over, retirees were not paid terminal benefits. Police were all over asking people where they were traveling to even if it was clear that they were traveling to their work places. As we go to vote 2026 we should also remember that that Zambia is an amalgamation of two countries North Eastern Rhodesia and North Western Rhodesia. The more I read about criticisms about New Dawn compared to ECL regime the more I prefer to leave the country called Zambia.

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    • Am back home,myself,and the first thing I noticed is how residents have shielded themselves with such unsightly high perimeter fences that are unplastered and unpainted. Uncovered drainages clogged with wilth. Lusaka looks like unfinished construction works.This, definately must have been allowed by a lawless government like PF

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    • There are are so many birds living there now that our President has abandoned the haunted house. Those bats are each worth two in the bush????

  15. Hakainde is taking Zambia nowhere, the only thing he has achieved this far is to show that he is a low calibre leader, with no vision for the country. He has spent the last three years proving to the Zambian people that he is no much to any of his predecessors. He has scored high on reviving his tribalistic tendencies. Clearly there is no pragmatism in Hakainde. His father Mazoka was more pragmatic and less tribalistic. All in all there is no comparison between Hakainde and Hichilema. Most people who are not tribalistic would node to this. Call a spade a spade. Hakainde has messed up the economy on all fronts.

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    • “there is no comparison between Hakainde and Hichilema”???
      Oh I see….both are useless

  16. Just the idea of Mr Lungu coming back brings shivers to most people. His legacy if any was dented by his ruthless cadres and ministers who were on rampage behaving like hyena. How can we want the PF and Mr Lungu to come back to rule Zambia really? Are we short of brave leaders or it is just desperation lingering in the minds of people. Mr Lung re-joined politics for the purpose of protecting his family that has been caught with unexplainable millions of money and properties not to serve the people of Zambia. I’m sure the people even thinking of him coming back are just missing being slapped by the likes of Lusambo, cadres intimidating the police and health staff and local authorities in the markets and bus stations.

    • So well explained. I’m equally baffled how people want to eat poison yet it is labelled “poison”. I think people may be eyeing Lungu because when you look at the race field noone is really putting his hand up for leadership. The current crop looks like they are as bad as Lungu and HH so people are opting for whatever rubbish is available. At least it is the rubbish they know and are used to. Politicians; here is a chance to show leadership qualities. Where are you hiding?

  17. If Hichilema is Half-baked, then is the better of them all, Kaunda was not even half baked. Later Queen Eliza used to tell Kaunda to follow the economic program the British started as from 1963 with the 3 B pounds for 10 years.
    What did Kaunda do? He started giving out money without signing for it. When it was discovered, he was told to be jailed when government change. And Kaunda came up with One Party system to avoid jail and they economy came bad 1970. Chigaga went for training for the ten year privatization program, and for each year, Kaunda Government was to receive 1.9B Dollars as balance of payment. Instead Kaunda made ZCCM and he was planning of making Zambia Housing Conglomerate; Chiluma was given only one year to privatize. Was it the problem of IMF? No! Kaunda, right

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