Lusaka Times contributor Prince Bill M. Kaping’a, who claims the title of “HH Mpaka 2031 People’s Alliance National Coordinator,” sought to divert attention from pressing issues confronting Zambians to prop up President Hakainde Hichilema’s second term chances, but failed miserably. He didn’t address the dying Kwacha, the escalating cost of living, or the widespread poverty gripping the nation. Even the title of his piece, “It Is Definitely HH Mpaka 2031, But It Won’t Be Easy for Most MPs” is a cry of desperation.

Kaping’a rightly notes that 2026 will present challenges for the United Party for National Development (UPND) in Parliament, but it is wrong to limit this predicament to Members of Parliament. President Hichilema and his MPs are equally vulnerable; the wrath of voters awaits them in the next election.

Kaping’a’s unwavering confidence in HH’s prospects for 2026 is simply rooted in propaganda. For example, he lauds Hichilema for creating youth employment, yet he overlooks one critical detail: many of these government jobs went to well-connected individuals, leaving a significant number of young people disenchanted and resentful. For every youth employed, countless others remain jobless and are more likely to abandon Hichilema when they cast their ballots.

Kaping’a fails to grasp that in economics, government jobs do not equate to genuine job creation. Economic experts contend that a robust labor market is best measured by private sector performance. The government can hire as many individuals as it chooses—indeed, Hichilema could theoretically employ a million civil servants. However, while such actions may superficially represent job creation, the reality is complex. Expanding the civil service can place undue strain on the national economy, incurring unsustainable expenditures and fostering inflation. Responsible governments recognize the need to streamline the civil service, understanding that civil servant salaries require funding for years to come. Although Hichilema’s actions may appear politically advantageous, the long-term financial repercussions will fall upon Zambians. This exemplifies his superficial grasp of economics.

Moreover, the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) represents nothing more than political propaganda—essentially a misuse of public resources. Kaping’a asserts that infrastructure improvements, such as roads and bridges, have benefited from the CDF; however, the question remains: where are these developments? Presidential ideological programs often exist only on paper. Furthermore, while former President Lungu allocated social cash transfers for political motives, this administration has removed or excluded hundreds of thousands of vulnerable individuals from these programs. Even those receiving assistance are not blind to the failures of the Hichilema administration. Thus, the notion that bribing them will yield votes is flawed.

Kaping’a further claims there is no credible opposition capable of unseating Hichilema; in truth, the opposite is true. Hichilema appears intent on suppressing formidable challengers. If Kaping’a is genuinely confident in Hichilema’s chances in the 2026 elections, he should advocate for a transparent electoral process. Hichilema must cease using the Electoral Commission of Zambia, law enforcement, the judiciary, and, notably, the Constitutional Court to stifle his opponents, including Edgar Lungu. Both Kaping’a and Hichilema are aware that Lungu stands a chance of winning in 2026 if a fair contest were held. Hichilema’s only viable route may involve running without Lungu.

Kaping’a’s arguments raise more questions than they answer. His assertion that Hichilema has endeared himself to the masses is perplexing. Is he catering to Hichilema’s fragile ego? A simple ride on public transport or a conversation with street vendors would evoke a different story. These citizens, who constitute the majority of voters, do not echo the praise Kaping’a attributes to Hichilema. While they may fear retribution, they collectively express a sense of betrayal, likening Hichilema to Judas Iscariot. Does Kaping’a truly contend this is the figure to whom they will rally for another term? Such beliefs appear untenable.

Kaping’a’s desperate defense reflects the current state of UPND—a party entrenched in deception and denial. As I remarked during the PF regime, when people are aggrieved, no amount of money can tame them. Good effort, Kaping’a. I hope you witness the unfolding of 2026!

Kapya Kaoma

When the UPND took office in 2021, they did so on a platform of restoring democracy,upholding human rights, and ensuring the rule of law. Zambians had grown tired of the intimidation, arrests, and abuse of power under the previous Patriotic Front (PF) government,and they voted for change. President Hakainde Hichilema positioned himself as a champion of
democracy, repeatedly condemning the injustices of the past regime.

However, fast forward to today, and the reality tells a different story. The very abuses of power that the UPND condemned under Edgar Lungu’s leadership are now being perpetuated under their own administration. The question is, what has changed?

The Weaponization of the Police Against the Opposition

One of the biggest criticisms of the PF government was how the police were used to intimidate and silence opposition voices. Today, under UPND, the same trend continues:
• Opposition leaders and critics of the government are constantly being summoned by the police
whenever they express dissent.
• Seditious charges have become a convenient tool to suppress those who question the government’s policies.
• Individuals have been arrested on allegations of tribalism simply for expressing their opinions.
• Some opposition members have been arrested and denied police bonds, a clear violation of
their constitutional rights.

This is exactly what UPND leaders, including President Hichilema, used to denounce under the PF government. The same government that once promised Zambians freedom of speech and political tolerance is now using state institutions to silence critics.

Selective Justice and Double Standards

Another major concern is how justice is applied selectively. Under PF, UPND members were frequently harassed, arrested, or denied permits to hold rallies. The new government was expected to end this injustice, but instead, we are seeing the same biased application of the law.
• Government critics face immediate arrests, while UPND supporters who break the law seem to operate freely.
• Opposition rallies and meetings are restricted, while government events go on without interruption.
• Media intimidation is increasing, with journalists and platforms that question the government facing pressure.

These double standards are eroding public confidence in the government. The same methods that led to the downfall of PF are now being repeated under UPND. Have they forgotten that power is temporary?

What Happened to President Hichilema’s Promises?

President Hichilema himself was a victim of political persecution under PF. He spent 127 days in prison on trumped-up charges. He understood firsthand the dangers of a government that weaponizes the police against its opponents.

Yet today, under his leadership:
• The opposition is being treated the same way he was treated.
• People are being arrested for speaking their minds, just as he was arrested for standing up against the PF government.
• Freedom of speech is under attack, just as it was before.

Has the President lost control over his government, or is this deliberate hypocrisy? If the UPND truly believes in democracy, they must immediately stop these abuses and allow political competition to thrive.

A Warning from History
The PF government did not fall because of economic failures alone; they lost power because they disconnected from the people. They became arrogant, ignored public complaints, and used state institutions to suppress political opponents. Today, UPND is following the exact same path.

Zambians voted for change, not a new version of the same oppression. If the UPND does not change course, history will repeat itself. The people will not hesitate to remove another government that betrays its promises.

The question remains: Does President Hichilema know what is happening? And if he does, why is he allowing it? The time for reflection is now. Otherwise, just like PF, the UPND will soon face the consequences of ignoring the people’s voice.

By Alexander Vomo

The Republic Progressive Party (RPP) strongly condemns the alarming surge in cases of incest and defilement that continue to plague our communities. These acts are not only criminal but are a direct assault on the moral fabric and safety of our society, especially against our most vulnerable—women and children.

We are deeply disturbed by the heartbreaking case of a father who allegedly defiled his own daughter while entrusted with her care at the Cancer Diseases Hospital in Lusaka. The violation of such trust within the family unit is appalling and must be met with the full force of the law.

Acts of incest are not only criminal but utterly inhumane, and there must be no room for mercy
when dealing with such perpetrators.Equally horrifying is the recent case of a five-year-old girl in Mtendere Compound, Lusaka, who is currently admitted to the University Teaching Hospital after being gang defiled by four adult men.

According to reports, the child was brutally assaulted and repeatedly raped, resulting in severe trauma and medical complications.These tragic incidents are a painful reminder that urgent action is needed to protect our children and restore dignity in our communities.

On behalf of all women in RPP, I call upon law enforcement agencies to intensify their efforts in investigating and prosecuting these cases without fear or favor. No perpetrator of such heinous crimes should walk free. We further call on the judiciary to impose the harshest possible penalties to deter others from committing such acts.

We also urge families, churches, schools, and community leaders to break the silence, educate children about abuse, and provide safe spaces where survivors can speak out without fear of shame or retaliation. Ending defilement and incest is not the sole responsibility of the police,it must be a collective fight for all of us.Let us rise together to protect our daughters, our children, and our future.

Issued by:
Simangele Magodi
RPP National Women's Secretary

By Kapya Kaoma

If one follows President Hakainde Hichilema closely, it is evident that he inhabits two worlds: one known to the average Zambian and another that exists solely in his mind. In the former, nearly everyone chants, “Bally has destroyed it! Bally has destroyed it!” However, in his own world, he hears a different slogan: “Bally fixed it! Bally fixed it!”

My daughter reminds me that Donald Trump is a strategic thinker, fully aware of his every move. I believe the same can be said for Hichilema. How else can one explain his fixation on constitutional amendments if not in anticipation of the looming 2026 elections?

President Hichilema is acutely aware of his dwindling reputation; each passing day presents a battle against a tide of insults. Even his pets seem to mock him–they are now ashamed to be associated with him. The idea that he considers himself the most beloved president in Zambian history indicates a terrible disconnect from reality. It is implausible to believe that he thinks he can win fairly in 2026. I suspect he even questions the sanity of his supporters who think so.

As the days count down to 2026, fear consumes him daily. The only apparent way out is to move the goalposts to create an opening for victory. The challenge? The people are the goalkeepers, and Hichilema must find a way past them. But will he emerge victorious?

“Imingalato” has become Hichilema’s tactic, but he must take the final shot—changing the Constitution. This is his only path to securing power. The Constitution itself isn’t the issue; it’s that it no longer serves his interests.

This reality is unsettling, especially considering that Mr. Hichilema has already undermined the integrity of the Constitutional Court when it did not align with his agenda. He dismissed judges and installed loyalists to prevent former President Edgar Lungu from contesting the 2026 election.

Recognizing his misstep, Hichilema is now seeking to grant himself a last-minute penalty—amending the Constitution. Ironically, he claims that the Zambian people mandated this penalty, yet he is the only player on the field. He wants to be the shooter, the goalkeeper, the referee, and the linesman all at once. Will it work?

To be clear, the amendments seek to accomplish the following:

First, eliminate the 50% plus one requirement: Hichilema knows that achieving more than 50% of the votes is unlikely. A simple majority is all he needs, especially with multiple parties expected to contest. If he retains the 50% plus one clause, he risks returning to prison, as smaller parties are unlikely to form alliances with him to meet that threshold.

Second, increase the number of MPs and grant them the power to elect the president. Drawing inspiration from parliamentary systems in the UK, South Africa, and Botswana, Hichilema aims to ensure that the party with the most MPs forms the government. His administration could create new constituencies in UPND strongholds, diluting the influence of the PF and paving the way for a safer route to a second term.

Finally, amend the rules regarding by-elections for MPs switching parties. Mr. Hichilema understands that merely increasing the number of MPs and winning with a simple majority won’t resolve all his problems. If he achieves the presidency but the opposition outnumbers his party in Parliament, he risks removal from office through impeachment. Protecting his administration means finding ways to retain opposition MPs through incentives, as those who resign often do not reclaim their seats.

Despite the misinformation circulating, the amendments are solely about securing Mr. Hichilema’s personal interests. It is, therefore, a fallacy to assert that the Zambian people have empowered the UPND to amend the Constitution. History has shown that Zambian presidents have manipulated the Constitution to cling to power. Hichilema’s barring of Lungu illustrates this troubling trend, and he is now testing the waters once again.

The pressing question is whether Zambians will allow this to happen once more. We’ve seen this scenario before, notably during the Kaunda regime when the Constitution was amended to bar Nkumbula and Kapwepwe from challenging President Kaunda. We witnessed it in 1996 when Frederick Chiluba succeeded in amending the Constitution to prevent KK from running against him, only to face resistance from his own ranks in 2001 when he attempted to change the Constitution to seek a third term. Notable figures like Godfrey Miyanda, Edith Nawakwi, and Michael Sata stood firm against Chiluba’s power grab.

Will the UPND and its members join the Zambian people in defending our hard-won democracy from President Hichilema? Kaya!