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Government has defended the 15% waiver and expects positive outcomes to emerge from its removal a decision that was officially implemented a week ago to boost Zambia’s gemstone and precious metals sector. Finance and National Planning Minister Dr. Situmbeko Musokotwane reiterated that this policy shift is set to benefit more than 500 artisanal and small-scale miners, including women and youth, and to significantly enhance Zambia’s competitiveness in the global market.
Speaking at a press briefing in Lusaka, Dr. Musokotwane highlighted that the tax relief provides much-needed financial flexibility for local miners who have struggled with high operational costs and intense global competition. He emphasized that easing this export duty would boost cash flow and make Zambian gemstones and metals far more attractive to international buyers.
The removal of the export duty is anticipated to have a direct and lasting positive impact on the country’s mining sector, a key pillar of the national economy. Artisanal and small-scale miners often operating with limited resources are expected to benefit significantly from this measure. Among these are women and youth, who represent a considerable portion of the sector’s workforce.
Dr. Musokotwane underscored that eliminating the tax burden aligns with the government’s broader goal of empowering local miners and ensuring economic opportunities for all Zambians. He noted that by enabling miners to reinvest in their operations and expand production, the policy will ultimately contribute more robustly to the national economy.
Initially introduced as a revenue-generating measure, the 15% export duty had been widely criticized by industry stakeholders for making Zambian gemstones and metals less competitive on the global stage. International buyers often opted for suppliers in other countries with lower export costs, leading to a decline in sales for local miners.
By removing the duty, the government aims to position Zambia as a more attractive source of high-quality gemstones and metals. Dr. Musokotwane emphasized that this move not only promises to increase sales volumes but also to stimulate economic activity throughout the mining sector. He further noted that the duty had discouraged investment in the industry, limiting miners’ ability to expand their businesses. With the waiver in place, there is renewed optimism that investors will now view Zambia’s gemstone sector as a viable and profitable opportunity.
The decision has been widely welcomed by industry stakeholders, who see it as a breakthrough for small-scale miners. Grace Chanda, a miner and youth advocate, described the removal of the export duty as a victory for local miners, expressing optimism that improved market access will enable them to compete more effectively on the global stage.
As Zambia continues to strengthen its presence in the international mining industry, the removal of the 15% export duty is expected to drive long-term economic benefits. The policy shift not only improves the livelihoods of local miners but also attracts international buyers and investors, laying the groundwork for sustained growth.
Dr. Musokotwane reaffirmed the government’s commitment to ensuring that Zambia’s natural resources benefit its people. He stressed that the waiver is part of a broader strategy to promote inclusivity, enhance global competitiveness, and foster sustainable development in the mining sector.
With this bold move, Zambia is positioning itself as a key player in the global gemstone and precious metals trade, proving that its mineral wealth is not just a resource but a powerful catalyst for national economic transformation.
FFTUZ Condemns Hiring of Foreign Nationals in Copperbelt Mines, Calls for Transparency
The Federation of Free Trade Unions of Zambia (FFTUZ) has voiced strong opposition to the increasing employment of foreign nationals in Copperbelt mines, calling the practice a betrayal of Zambian workers and a threat to economic sovereignty.
FFTUZ President Nelson Mwale expressed deep concern over the hiring of expatriates for positions such as excavator operators and other technical roles that could be filled by qualified Zambians. “It is unacceptable that mining companies are sidelining qualified Zambians in favor of foreign nationals for jobs that our people are more than capable of doing,” Mwale stated. “This trend is not only unjust but also undermines the skills and potential of our local workforce.”
Copperbelt Province has historically been a key source of employment for thousands of Zambians, particularly in the mining sector. However, recent developments indicate a shift in hiring practices, with companies increasingly relying on foreign labor. This has left many local workers, including skilled technicians and machine operators, struggling to secure employment.
Chanda Mwansa, a 28-year-old certified excavator operator, is among those affected. Despite his qualifications, he has been unable to find work in the mines. “I studied and trained for years to become an operator, but when I apply, I’m told the positions are already filled by foreigners,” Mwansa said. “It’s disheartening to see opportunities that should be ours being given to others.”
Beyond the issue of unemployment, Mwale stressed that the matter is one of economic justice and national dignity. “Zambians have the right to benefit from the resources of their own land. When mining companies bypass local workers, they are not just denying them jobs they are denying them their future,” he said.
The FFTUZ has also called for greater transparency in agreements between mining companies and the government. “We need to know what is being negotiated on behalf of the Zambian people,” Mwale stated. “Are these agreements in the best interest of the nation, or are they prioritizing the profits of foreign entities over the welfare of our citizens?”
The union is urging the government to implement stricter regulations to ensure that mining companies prioritize local hires. Mwale emphasized that Zambia’s wealth belongs to its people, calling on authorities to take decisive action.
The growing reliance on foreign labor has raised concerns about its long-term impact on the Copperbelt’s economy and social cohesion. While mining companies may benefit from lower labor costs in the short term, the practice risks alienating local communities and fueling public resentment. “These companies operate in Zambia, not in isolation,” Mwale warned. “If they continue to ignore the needs of the people, they will face resistance not just from unions but from the entire nation.”
The FFTUZ’s position has resonated with many Zambians who view the issue as indicative of broader challenges in the country’s mining sector. As the debate continues, the union remains steadfast in advocating for the rights of Zambian workers.
With pressure mounting on both the government and mining companies, the question remains: Will the outcry lead to meaningful change? For now, the union’s message is clear Zambia’s resources must benefit Zambians first.
Socialist Party Copperbelt Vice Chairman and Spokesperson Reagan Kashinga says the Government through Zambia Environmental Management Agency (ZEMA) must take responsibility over the pollution of the Mwambashi Stream and Kafue River by Sino Metals Mine of Chambishi in Kalulushi.
And Mr. Kashinga has proposed that the people whose farming fields were destroyed by acidic effluent from Sino Metals be given life long compensation because the Kalusale environment will no support farming any time soon.
The pollution incident involving acidic effluent from Sino Metals tailings dam which burst last Tuesday destroyed crops from several farming fields belonging to peasant farmers and later contaminated the Mwambashi Stream and the Kafue River.
Mr. Kashinga said the pollution which has resulted in a critical water shortage in Kitwe and Kalulushi would have been avoided had ZEMA not approved substandard tailings dams being used by the mines in Chambishi.
He challenged the Ministry of Green Economy and ZEMA to explain why it was approving poorly built tailings dams which mining firms are using to store acidic liquids from copper ore processing.
“It is not common to see a well constructed tailings dam burst like it happened at Sino Metals in Chambishi.Therefore, the UPND Government through the Ministry of Green Economy and the Zambia Environmental Management Agency (ZEMA) must take the blame and responsibility over this pollution. We are aware that ZEMA officers have been approving poorly constructed tailings dams in Chambishi that do not have recommended two layer-systems,” Mr. Kashinga said.
“We challenge the Government through the Ministry of Green Economy and ZEMA to explain to the people of Zambia how the use of the poorly constructed Tailings Dam at Sino Metal was approved. The Chambishi pollution is as a result of negligence on the part of the Government and we can predict more pollution if ZEMA continues approving poorly constructed Tailings Dams in Chambishi and beyond. We are aware that there is another mine near NAMBOARD in Chambishi that is using unfit -Tailings Dam,” Mr. Kashinga said.
He urged the Disaster Management and Mitigation Unit (DMMU) to quickly provide food and water to the people of Kalusale in Chambishi who have been badly affected by pollution from Sino Metals.
“The Chambishi Pollution, is a disaster that needs urgent action from the Government to mitigate its impact on the people of Kalulushi and Kitwe who have had their sources of water contaminated with acidic mine effluent. Before we can even talk about compensation for the peasant farmers in Kalusale, the Disaster Management and Mitigation Unit (DMMU) must come in quickly to provide food and water to the people of Kalusale, who are badly affected after their maize, groundnuts and vegetable fields were destroyed by the acidic pollutants. On Compensation the people of Kalusale need lifelong compensation from Sino Metals because their farming area will not support agriculture anymore following the destruction of the soil by acid,” Mr. Kashinga said.
“As Socialist Party in the Copperbelt Province we say that it is impossible to reverse the adverse impact of this pollution incident, therefore we remind the people of Zambia to be mindful of the type of leaders they vote for. Every well meaning Zambian can see now that there are more problems in Zambia than good things under this outgoing regime,” he said.
President Hakainde Hichilema arrived safely in Cairo, Egypt, for an official State Visit at the invitation of President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi of the Arab Republic of Egypt. The visit is expected to strengthen bilateral relations and foster economic cooperation between the two nations.
“We look forward to fruitful engagements that benefit our citizens,” President Hichilema stated upon arrival.
As part of his itinerary, President Hichilema toured Egypt’s newly constructed Administrative Capital for Urban Development, a large-scale infrastructure project that includes government offices and residential housing units.
“It was gratifying to learn that such a gigantic and iconic infrastructure has been developed by private sector players, without any funding from the government treasury,” he remarked. “This is the kind of innovation and model we are aggressively pursuing under the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) financing arrangement.”
President Hichilema emphasized the importance of private sector participation in financing capital projects to ease pressure on national treasuries, allowing governments to allocate more resources to critical social sectors such as health and education.
The State Visit is expected to include high-level discussions on trade, investment, and development cooperation between Zambia and Egypt.
Nkana Water is making steady progress to clear the high levels of heavy metals in the polluted Mwambashi stream, the main source of raw water in Kalulushi on the Copperbelt.
This follows the collapse of the Sino Metals Leach Acid tailings dam in Chambishi which has left the Kafue River in Kitwe and Mwambashi stream in Kalulushi polluted.
ZANIS reports that Company Public Relations Manager Bivan Saluseki said there has been an improvement in the clearing process with the perimeters such as the PH now within the approved 6.5 to 8 standards.
Mr Saluseki noted that while the presence of the heavy metals such as Copper, Manganese and Zinc is still high, measures are being made to ensure that the pollutants are cleaned from the river.
“Testing has continued every hour and with the steady flow of the rains, we hope the heavy metal levels in the water can clear.” He said.
Meanwhile, Mr Saluseki said the utility company has increased the number of bowsers distributing water supply to all the affected residents in Kalulushi.
And Kalulushi District Commissioner Kelly Jibinga who sympathized with scores of farmers who lost their crops in Kalusale, Mwambashi, due to the pollution, said he is working with various government agencies to mitigate the impact of the pollution on the residents.
Mr Jibinga disclosed that a committee has been formed to help in listing affected farmers in his constituency to see how best they can be helped by the government and the Chinese mining firm Sino metals Leach Zambia limited.
Earlier, Residents of Kalulushi called on the government to hold mining companies accountable for their actions and impose stiff penalties on those that compromise or disregard environmental protection laws.
Pope Francis remains in critical condition, according to the Vatican, with blood tests showing mild signs of kidney failure “which is currently under control,” the Vatican said Sunday, as the 88-year-old pontiff battles pneumonia in both his lungs.
It added that Francis, who was hospitalized over a week ago, has not shown further respiratory crises since yesterday evening.
Some of his blood tests indicate “an initial, mild, renal failure, which is currently under control,” the Vatican said, adding that the Pope continues to be “vigilant and well oriented.”
Francis, who continues to receive oxygen, took part in the Holy Mass from the apartment set up on the 10th floor of Gemelli hospital on Sunday morning, according to the statement. Those taking care of him during his hospitalization also took part.
“The complexity of the clinical picture, and the necessary wait for pharmacological therapies to provide some feedback, require that the prognosis remain reserved,” the Vatican said.
Earlier on Sunday, the Vatican said Francis had received high flows of oxygen after suffering a respiratory crisis but had a peaceful night in hospital. The Vatican said Francis will remain in hospital following his pneumonia diagnosis in both lungs and did not deliver the weekly Angelus prayer Sunday – for only the third time in his almost 12-year papacy.
The Pope said his treatment continues and thanked medical staff for their dedication in the text of Sunday’s sermon, which was sent to the press in advance.
The pope’s condition had seemed better earlier in the week, with the Vatican describing him as responding “positively” to medical treatment for pneumonia on Thursday.
The pontiff was admitted to a clinic in Rome on February 14, and initially underwent tests for a respiratory tract infection. He was subsequently diagnosed with pneumonia in both lungs after a later CT scan.
Dr. Jamin Brahmbhatt from Orlando Health Medical Group Urology, who specializes in kidney surgery, told CNN one should not be alarmed by the Vatican’s latest update on the Pope’s kidney health.
“I don’t think it’s anything significant per se, but we can tell his condition is still quite critical,” Brahmbhatt said. “The kidneys itself are very delicate organs but they’re also very resilient.”
He said that in older adults, “infections can quickly worsen if the body’s immune response kicks into overdrive—something we call sepsis.” When pneumonia leads to sepsis, widespread inflammation can hurt multiple organs, including the kidneys, Brahmbhatt added.
“In Pope Francis’ case, that’s showing up as mild renal failure. Kidney damage can be temporary and improve with treatment, or it can be permanent,” he said.
Zambia is the cradle of freedom of Southern Africa. Liberation movements from Angola and Namibia to Moçambique and South Africa established offices in Zambia and exiled activists found refuge here in numbers. Following years of imprisonment on Robben Island, John Pogiso Maroo joined umpteen leaders and members of the movement who lived in Lusaka as exiles. Having been repatriated to his ancestral land as part of the South African government’s programme, Maroo has come full circle.
Born in 1925 in Parys, south of Johannesburg, John Pogiso Maroo was the second of five children of Mme Selina, a housewife, and Ntate Simon Maroo, a farmworker. The white minority-led Union of South Africa, which codified the colour bar, had been established 15 years earlier. The African National Congress (ANC), Maroo’s political home, had been founded in 1912, a year before the devastating Natives’ Land Act that legislated grimmer prospects for Africans. It overnight reduced them to “squatters”, Sol Plaatje wrote. “The section of the law debarring Natives from hiring land is particularly harsh,” asserted the scholar and cadre, adding that its crux was “intended to reduce Natives to serfs.”
This was the society that the Maroo family lived in last century. The threat of serfdom was real. It was thus a given that the family packed and crossed Lekoa for Johannesburg to eventually settle in Soweto. Their first stop was in the cosmopolitan Alexandra. That melting pot, and era, left an indelible mark in young John’s life.
So it was that Maroo spent 40 years in the struggle. His average built, slender and of medium height, belied the hardship that stalked him. He was athletic and very fit. He walked very fast and used to hold his chin high. At 63, one Tuesday in the autumn of 1989, he succumbed to cancer while in exile in Harare. He had been transferred there after years in Lusaka. He was survived by his wife, Mme Rebecca and children Cynthia, Abram – all since deceased – and Lebo. John Maroo’s mortal remains, along those of 48 of his comrades who perished in exile in Zambia and Zimbabwe, were repatriated to South Africa last year. At the time of Maroo’s birth, the ANC was led by liberation theologians Reverends ZR Mahabane and James Calata. In his teens, Maroo was inspired by clergymen who preached freedom. But, as he soon discovered, some people sang from different hymn sheets.
The young John Maroo discovered this when the Methodist Church blocked his path to become a minister for political reasons. As a form of protest, he left the denomination for the Presbyterians. But he soon found out that nowhere was safe under apartheid. After all, the racist system was a crime against humanity. Gun-wielding police invaded the Presbyterian Church in Alex to capture Maroo who had sought refuge there. This is a reminder that apartheid agents could stoop that low and desecrate holy grounds.
However, at the time of Maroo’s death, freedom fighters – assisted by sister nations such as Angola, Cuba, Sweden and Zambia – were closing in. Pretoria, which had terrorised the region (including Botswana and Lesotho), and exported mercenaries, was on the back foot. Its dying kicks manifested in a new round of state-sponsored killing sprees. But, even in the face of that, activists forged ahead.
The journey to Maroo’s burial, in same the year of his centenary, is important but bittersweet. While we are glad to finally lay him to rest in the land of his ancestors, a moment of closure, we note with sadness that in the intervening 35 years since his demise, mom has also since passed on. So have my brother and sister. All of my dad’s siblings are no more. Nevertheless, we are thankful that he is finally home. Our children, their children and generations to follow will be able to pay homage to their freedom-fighter ancestor who was hounded as a “terrorist” for fighting for justice.
Robala ka Kgotso Morolong. Robala ka Kgotso Namane ya Tholo! Like you taught us those many years ago, we shall keep the fight. A Luta Continua, Ntate John Maroo.
This month I wondered how Papa would have felt if he could see South Africa. Let me offer context: Maroo believed in the Freedom Charter, a blueprint for a democratic society where all people are treated equally and offered opportunities. So, I think he wouldn’t believe that we are free. Look at the means of production, look at the colour bar in cultural life. Our society has not fully shed apartheid practices. The Freedom Charter talks about the land. It talks about mineral resources and about wealth being shared. It would be sad if we have forgotten about the Freedom Charter because we still have so many undone things, so many gaps. Those gaps wouldn’t convince Maroo that we’re truly free. It is now up to the next generation to take the baton and fight a just, equal and fair society.
Coincidentally, my father was among the thousands who in June 1955 met as the Congress of the People, which in turn birthed the Freedom Charter. The site where this took place, Soweto’s Kliptown, has been declared by Unesco as one of 14 locations that represent the legacy of South Africa’s struggle. My father’s activism had begun in Alexandra when his family moved there. This is where he witnessed era-defining bus boycotts. He heard the clarion call, Azikhwelwa, and recognised the boycotts’ impact on white-collar economy that was restricted to the white minority. The people of Alex managed to force the establishment to reduce fares. Such was the milieu. Such was the cause. This is the same Alex that was at one time or another home to exemplars like Moses Kotane, Thoko Mngoma, Gaur Radebe and Adolphus Boy “JD” Mvemve (nom de guerre John Dube). Notably, Samora Machel sojourned in Alex en route to exile. Order of Luthuli recipient ANC Women’s League leader Florence Mophosho also lived in Alex.
Mr & Mrs Maroo, on their wedding day, flanked by family and friends.
As early as the start of 1950s, following the rise of the racist Nationalist party in the all-white polls, John Maroo had been assigned critical tasks. The sensitivities that went with that meant that only a small circle of people knew what his activities were. Beyond that circle, some people were aware that he distributed African National Congress pamphlets at train stations, from central Joburg’s Park to Naledi, Soweto, and that he spray-painted government’s offensive signs that had captured public benches and other amenities: “Europeans Only”, “Non-Europeans Only”, “Blankes” and “Nie-Blankes”.
As the ANC began to send its members abroad for military training, political education and to establish offices in exile. John Maroo was recruiting and assisting activists cross the border to Botswana via Zeerust, a South African town. From there those men and women proceeded to Zambia and Tanzania, or, sometimes, further afield: Britain, Bulgaria, China and Soviet Union. So many nations enabled Southern Africa’s decolonisation and liberation. Such was the spirit of solidarity, something we should keep alive.
By then, John Maroo was deeply underground. For years, the Boers raided our home in Soweto at ungodly hours. The year 1963 marked the beginning of his 12-year prison term on Robben Island. Police raids continued during and after his imprisonment. He had been barred from attending his mom’s, my gran’s, funeral. Even after his release, in 1975, his movements were restricted having been also banished under the then Act No. 44 of 1950 sec.9 (1) 30 to a faraway Ga-Rankuwa – 100 km from his family. So, the five of us, as a family, had only one opportunity to pose for a picture together. This was in 1976 with Papa home for gran’s tombstone unveiling ceremony in Moletsane, Soweto, albeit under police guard and menacing surveillance. Banned and still suffering chronic backache and bearing scars from hard labour, Ntate John told me while he was under house arrest, that the Boers weren’t going to make him “shrink and do nothing out of fear of torture, I’ll keep fighting. We must keep fighting.” Indeed, most family members feared for his safety.
Hardly 12 months after Papa’s release my brother, also known as Maroo or Oupa, skipped the country to join Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the ANC’s military wing. In MK, Oupa’s nom de guerre was Harrison Mqwathi. In line with scores of others who left throughout the years, my brother’s conviction was obvious: Freedom or death, victory is certain, as the liberation war’s slogan went.
The charged Siyaya/Kubi, igwijo (liberation song), explains that cadres embraced the inevitability of torture, detention, exile and death. They embraced the inevitability of a life underground. They embraced house arrests. Thus, John Maroo was, upon release from prison, banished to Ga-Rankuwa – 100 km from our Soweto home. This was frustrating and added a familial and financial stress. However, upon arriving at what was supposed to be his new home, a men’s hostel, Maroo was incensed. He forced the authorities to respect his rights and dignity even as a banished individual. He flung their humiliation games back at them. In South Africa, hostels, a lamentable epitome of the dreaded migrant labour system and slave salaries, were built as black labour reserves.
“I have a family. How are my wife and children supposed to visit me here? Should they travel to this hostel for them to stand outside the fence and I inside? I’m not staying here,” Maroo charged, refusing to stay there. “Feel free to take me back to Robben Island!” Maroo dismissed the officers’ arrogant orders for him to obey. So, this continued for hours. Only then, with Plan B identified and activated, he was moved to Mr Nthite’s mayoral residence in the area until he was transferred to a house in nearby Mabopane, north of Pretoria. This remained an expensive punishment and kept us apart as the family.
John Pogiso Maroo’s had in the 1950s become a subject of apartheid security personnel’s surveillance. That culminated in raids. Then there were wall-to-wall soul-breaking 90-day detention without trial. That draconian system was designed by the oppressors to keep activists behind bars for long spells. In detention, they had nothing to do. They had nothing to read. They had no one to talk to. All some of them did was to stare at the walls. They stared at the ceiling.
In those years, South Africa was run by a white minority under Hendrik Verwoerd. The measured Chief Albert Luthuli, another clergyman, led the African National Congress. Despite the tumult at home, the 1950s held promise for the oppressed Global South. Kwame Nkrumah had led Ghana to independence. Gamal Abdel Nasser-led revolutionaries liberated Egypt. Across in the Caribbean, 32-year-old Fidel Castro led a revolution to end imperialism in Cuba. The Europe-dominated United Nations installed Dag Hammarskjöld, viewed as a decolonisation agent, as its Secretary-General.
The picture was bad in East and Southern Africa. Britain’s Conservatives, then running an oppressive colonial machine, were imprisoning freedom fighters in Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe. Simon Kapwepwe, Kenneth Kaunda, Harry Nkumbula and their comrades were locked up by the colonialists in the 1950s. In the Union of South Africa, levels of injustices worsened. Verwoerd unleashed 90-day detention without trial. While in detention, Maroo and fellow sons and daughters of the land, at the hands of their captors, endless abuse, torture, sleep deprivation, starvation and dehydration. The practice was common but always ruthless.
After his eventual release from prison, but still operating in a restricted environment, Papa continued his underground activities for two years before, in 1978, leading a group of six youngsters to exile. That is how I left South Africa in my teens. From Botswana, where dad and I hurriedly split (after the ANC discovered that the Boers were tracking us), I was rushed to Lusaka after which I, for academic reasons, proceeded to Tanzania’s Mazimbu then Cuba. I was in Santiago de Cuba at the time of Papa’s passing and my brother was in Lusaka, while the rest of the family was in Johannesburg. My father had spent some of his exile years in Zambia and was at times deployed to Gaborone and Maseru, where he survived the December 1982 Pretoria-exported massacre. To elude the wrath of the apartheid regime, which wanted him deported, Botswana declared Maroo a persona non-grata. This came about after some talks with the then ANC President OR Tambo.
At the time of Papa’s demise, after almost 12 years in exile, the tide was turning down south. Pretoria, which had destabilised the region and exported mercenaries, had been humbled at the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale. But in a bid to cling on to power the Boers soon found and funded a new avenue: violence sprees in townships as seen with the Boipatong Massacre. Alas, activists pushed on. Siyaya/Kubi (Nguni for “Forging Ahead”). Their spirit could be explained in slogans like Freedom or death, victory is certain.
February marks a historic point in our journey. Fifty-one years ago, exiled Onkgopotse Tiro was slain, in Gaborone, by the racist regime’s cross-border killing machine. He was 36. This was on February 1, 1974. In the previous February, Pretoria had banned leaders of the South African Students’ Organisation – including Tiro for fighting the crime against humanity. In February 1970, Winnie Mandela and 20-plus men and women detained under the Suppression of Communism Act were acquitted only for most of them to be re-charged and placed in solitary confinement in Pretoria. With the passage of time some of us, though wrongly, let some names and events fade. This should not be the case.
As my first political educator, Papa introduced me to the story of Tiro in the mid-1970s when he was under house arrest. The story of activism in Tiro’s short life was in many ways era-defining and reverberated for decades. In fact, as Azapo’s former president Prof Itumeleng Mosala noted after the launch of Parcel of Death, by journalist Gaongalelwe Tiro, the martyr’s spirit “was to galvanise another generation decades later in the (#FeesMustFall) and decolonisation movements at the turn of the century.”
Eleven days after that bomb, Pretoria’s machinery struck in Lusaka. On February 12, another parcel of death sent to Lusaka killed Umkhonto we Sizwe’s Mvemve (JD). This is the same Mvemve that was comrades with Maroo since their Alex days. Decades after Alex, and decades after the advent of a democratic rule, dad and 48 fellow struggle heroes who gave up their ancestral lands to advance the fight for liberty are accorded dignified treatment on home soil. They are accorded dignified funeral services on home soil. It is just as this is the South Africa that they lived and died for. Justice has been served, albeit posthumously.
Dr Lebogang Maroo is the daughter of the late John Pogiso Maroo. She went into exile in her early teens. She graduated as a medical doctor in Cuba in 1989 and returned to South Africa in 1992, working mainly in the healthcare sector.
For years, Zambia was caught in a cycle of quick fixes, corruption, and short-term handouts. A nation where cadres ruled the streets, where “tantameni” became the norm, and where political commanders thrived while debt strangled the economy. Institutions to support the needy, the elderly, the retirees were neglected, bursaries and school feeding programs crumbled, opportunities for young people faded into empty promises. Shouts were more important than work, hard work and commitment. That was the blue pill—a temporary high that left us in deeper trouble.
But in 2021, the choice changed. We took the red pill. It is tough, sometimes implementation passes through difficult times.
The red pill is reality. It is the tough road, the long-term vision, the commitment to fixing what was broken—not overnight, but with sustainable solutions. Since then, we have seen action that speaks louder than campaign gimmicks. Roads that are being built and rehabilitated, dams and solar projects that secure our energy future, and the revival of industries like Mulungushi Textiles that create real jobs—not party-affiliated handouts.
We have ZNS maize ensuring food security, free education opening doors for every child, bursaries and restored meal allowances giving students a chance to succeed. The cash-for-work programs empower young people to build, create, and earn—not to be used as political tools. Schools are getting more desks, cultural pride is being encouraged, and tourism is being enhanced to showcase our nation to the world.
This is the red pill—difficult, demanding, but necessary for real progress. The old ways of corruption and cadre violence are gone. There is no turning back. Young people must wake up, engage, and take part in shaping this new Zambia. The days of waiting for handouts are over. Now is the time for hard work, discipline, and commitment to the future.
This is not about politicians. It is about you, your children, and your grandchildren. Do you choose the blue pill of instant gratification and long-term suffering, or do you stay the course and build a Zambia that thrives for generations?
With Zambia’s health sector facing uncertainty due to a review of international funding and support, Anthu Omwe Health Centre in Mungule Area, Chibombo District, has reached the milestone of providing free healthcare services to 50,000 patients in just one and a half years.
The centre has been providing a range of essential healthcare services, including antenatal care, treatments for waterborne diseases, and under-five care, among others. These services have been crucial to the well-being of a community that has faced immense difficulties in accessing essential health services.
Founder Cyrille Njikeng says the health center has achieved this impressive feat in such a short period of time because of the resilience of the medical and non-medical staff and the center’s commitment to healthcare service.
“This milestone is a testament to the dedication, care, and commitment of the entire team at Anthu Omwe. We are incredibly proud of our work and remain committed to making healthcare accessible to the most vulnerable communities in Zambia.”
Njikeng also emphasized that this achievement is just one step toward achieving The Dream Life Two Sixty’s broader goal, which is dedicated to delivering healthcare and other essential services to underserved communities across Zambia.
“Our mission has always been to ensure that people in rural Zambia have access to the healthcare they deserve, regardless of their location or financial situation,” Njikeng continued. “We remain focused on providing life-saving services and hope to inspire further collaboration with local and international partners to bring healthcare closer to those who need it most.”
In recognition of these challenges, Anthu Omwe continues to work closely with the Zambian Government to improve healthcare delivery in rural areas. The collaboration between the government, local leaders, and organizations like The Dreamlife Two Sixty is paving the way for a brighter future in rural healthcare.
“We remain committed to supporting and complementing the government’s efforts to ensure no one is left behind in the fight for better healthcare in Zambia,” Njikeng affirmed.
In a decisive move to bolster governance and enhance efficiency, President Hakainde Hichilema has executed a comprehensive reshuffle of Zambia’s ministerial and permanent secretary positions, effective immediately. This strategic realignment reflects the President’s commitment to aligning his administration with the nation’s evolving priorities, especially as the 2026 general elections approach.
Key Terminations and Appointments
The reshuffle commenced with the termination of several high-profile officials:
Hon. Henry Sikazwe, MP: Former Minister for Muchinga Province.
Hon. Gregory Ngowani, MP: Former Government Deputy Chief Whip.
Mr. Henry Mukungule: Former Permanent Secretary for Muchinga Province.
Mr. Robert Kamalata: Former Permanent Secretary for Lusaka Province.
Mr. Mighty Mumba: Former Permanent Secretary for Luapula Province.
Mr. Ringo Zulu: Former Controller of Internal Audit at the Ministry of Finance and National Planning.
These terminations pave the way for new appointments aimed at revitalizing key governmental sectors:
Hon. Njavwa Simutowe, MP: Appointed as Minister for Muchinga Province.
Hon. Nason Musonda, MP: Appointed as Minister for Luapula Province.
Hon. Likando Mufalali, MP: Appointed as Government Deputy Chief Whip.
In the Ministry of Finance and National Planning, the following appointments have been made:
Mr. Mulele M. Mulele: Permanent Secretary for Economic Management & Finance.
Ms. Mwaka Mukebesa: Permanent Secretary for Budget & Economic Affairs.
Ms. Prudence Kaoma: Permanent Secretary for Planning & Administration.
Additional key appointments include:
Mr. Lazarous Mwanza: Permanent Secretary for Copperbelt Province.
Mrs. Prudence Chinama: Permanent Secretary for Luapula Province.
Rev. Mathews Chilekwa: Permanent Secretary for Muchinga Province.
Strategic Transfers
To further optimize administrative efficiency, several permanent secretaries have been reassigned:
Mr. Maambo Hamaundu: Transferred from the Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development to the Ministry of Defence.
Mr. Norman Chipakupaku: Now serving as the DMMU Coordinator in the Office of the Vice President.
Dr. Gabriel Pollen: Reassigned from the Office of the Vice President to the Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development.
Mr. Patrick Mucheleka: Moved from Cabinet Office to the Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources.
Mr. Joe Kalusa: Transferred from Cabinet Office to Lusaka Province.
It’s evident that President Hichilema’s reshuffle is a calculated maneuver to address both performance deficits and public concerns regarding governance. The inclusion of individuals with proven track records signifies a deliberate effort to infuse the administration with fresh perspectives and renewed vigor.
The timing of these changes is particularly noteworthy. With the 2026 general elections on the horizon, the President appears to be consolidating his team’s effectiveness to deliver on campaign promises and enhance public trust. This proactive approach not only aims to combat graft and underperformance but also positions the administration favorably in the eyes of the electorate.
Moreover, the strategic realignment within the Ministry of Finance and National Planning underscores a commitment to robust economic management—a critical area as Zambia navigates complex financial landscapes. By appointing seasoned professionals to key economic positions, the President is signaling a prioritization of fiscal responsibility and economic growth.
President Hichilema’s recent government reshuffle reflects a strategic initiative to enhance administrative efficiency, combat corruption, and align the government’s objectives with national priorities. As Zambia approaches the 2026 elections, these decisive actions are poised to strengthen public confidence and demonstrate the administration’s dedication to effective governance.
The UPND walkout from a crucial parliamentary debate on the cost of living crisis has triggered widespread criticism. This decision, which led to the collapse of the quorum, has fueled concerns about the government’s commitment to tackling Zambia’s economic hardships. To make matters worse, the Ministry of Finance later announced that Hon. Situmbeko Musokotwane would address the issue on an online platform instead. Many see this move as an attempt to evade public scrutiny and accountability.
Parliament is the cornerstone of democracy and the primary arena for debating and formulating policy solutions. Given Zambia’s rising cost of living, a parliamentary discussion was essential to explore practical strategies for economic relief. However, UPND MPs and ministers chose to abandon this responsibility, instead opting for an online discussion a move that has raised suspicions of political evasion.
Shifting the cost of living debate from Parliament to an online forum prompts serious questions: Was this a strategic retreat to control the narrative or outright political cowardice? In Parliament, opposition leaders, civil society, and even ruling party members can cross-examine policies and demand specifics. In contrast, an online forum is curated, moderated, and structured to protect officials from direct accountability.
If UPND ministers had viable solutions to ease the cost of living crisis, why did they not defend them on the Parliamentary floor? The walkout suggests that the UPND government is either unwilling or unprepared to confront economic realities in a transparent manner. This has led to criticism that the party is out of touch with the struggles of ordinary Zambians.
The consequences of this UPND walkout extend beyond procedural concerns. Politically, it damages UPND’s credibility as a party that campaigned on transparency, accountability, and economic reform. A government that evades difficult conversations risks losing public trust, especially as economic hardships worsen.
Economically, the failure to hold a robust parliamentary discussion means that potential solutions remain unexplored. The opposition and civil society were denied an opportunity to present alternative economic strategies, and Zambians were deprived of a transparent debate on how their government plans to alleviate economic hardship.
Governance is about facing challenges head-on, not dodging accountability. True leadership demands that those in power defend their policies, accept criticism, and adjust their strategies accordingly. Running away from parliamentary scrutiny undermines the democratic process and signals weakness rather than strength.
While online discussions can engage a broader audience, they should complement, not replace, parliamentary debate. If the UPND government is serious about addressing the cost of living crisis, it must demonstrate this commitment through open, transparent engagement in Parliament. Anything less is a disservice to the Zambian people.
This walkout could have significant political consequences for UPND. Zambia’s history shows that governments perceived as unresponsive often face electoral challenges. The decision to evade debate could reinforce the narrative that UPND is failing to tackle economic hardships. If the government does not act swiftly, it risks losing public confidence and key electoral constituencies.
This incident also provides the opposition with an opportunity to galvanize public sentiment against UPND’s leadership. Opposition leaders can position themselves as champions of economic relief, potentially reshaping the political landscape ahead of future elections.
Zambians will be watching how UPND responds to this mounting criticism. Will the party acknowledge its mistake and commit to more robust parliamentary debates? Or will it continue prioritizing controlled messaging over genuine dialogue?
To regain public trust, UPND must take decisive action. This includes organizing a follow-up parliamentary session focused on the cost of living crisis, where all MPs regardless of political affiliation can contribute. Government officials must also engage in unscripted, transparent discussions with the public to restore confidence in their leadership.
This incident serves as a defining moment for UPND’s governance approach. Will they continue evading parliamentary scrutiny on key national issues or recognize the importance of engaging in necessary but difficult debates?
The cost of living crisis is not just a political talking point it is a daily struggle for millions of Zambians. The UPND government must rise to the occasion and confront these challenges head-on. The choice is clear: lead with accountability or risk losing the confidence of the very people they vowed to serve.
Hon. Jack Mwiimbu’s Hollow Assurance of Peaceful 2026 Elections An Insult to Zambians
By Thandiwe Ketis Ngoma
The recent assurance by Home Affairs Minister Hon. Jack Mwiimbu that Zambia will have peaceful elections in 2026 is not only misleading but an outright insult to the intelligence of Zambians. How can anyone promise a credible and peaceful election when the very institution responsible for overseeing the electoral process, the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ), is being run by known UPND sympathizers and cadres?
The integrity of any democratic election hinges on the neutrality and independence of the electoral body. However, under the UPND administration, the ECZ has been strategically packed with individuals whose loyalty is not to the Zambian people, but to the ruling party. The most glaring examples include ECZ Chairperson Madam Mwangala Zaloumis and Commissioner Macdonald Chipenzi both of whom have well-documented ties to the UPND. How can Zambians trust an electoral commission that is effectively an extension of the ruling party?
Madam Zaloumis, a known UPND ally, is expected to oversee an election that should be free, fair, and credible. This is the same individual who has consistently aligned with the ruling party’s agenda, raising serious questions about her ability to administer an impartial electoral process. Similarly, Chipenzi, another UPND loyalist, has a track record of openly supporting the ruling party’s political narratives. The presence of such individuals at the helm of the ECZ makes a mockery of Zambia’s democracy and undermines public confidence in the electoral process.
The assurance of peaceful elections is hollow when the playing field is already being tilted in favor of the ruling party. We have already witnessed the increasing abuse of state institutions to target opposition members, the restriction of political freedoms, and the selective application of the law to silence dissent. These are the telltale signs of an electoral process that is being rigged long before the first vote is cast.
If Madam Zaloumis and Macdonald Chipenzi had any aota of decency, the best they can do is resign. A lot of concerned stakeholders have stated their disapproval of them heading that institution by stating that they are full card-carrying members of the UPND party. Their continued stay in office further erodes public trust and calls into question the credibility of the upcoming elections.
For Hon. Mwiimbu to claim that the 2026 elections will be peaceful while ignoring the glaring partisanship within the ECZ is an insult to every Zambian who believes in true democracy. Peaceful elections are not determined by mere words but by a fair and just process. Without an independent ECZ, free political participation, and equal application of the law, Zambia is on a dangerous path toward a predetermined outcome that will only serve the interests of the ruling party.
If the UPND government is genuinely committed to peace and democracy, it must begin by depoliticizing the ECZ. Let independent professionals, not party loyalists, oversee Zambia’s elections. Until that happens, Hon. Mwiimbu’s promises of peace in 2026 are nothing but empty rhetoric designed to pacify Zambians while the UPND tightens its grip on power.
Zambians must demand true electoral reforms now before it is too late. The future of our democracy depends on it
Laura Miti Criticizes Government Appointments: “How Can He Be So Bad at Hiring and Firing?”
Governance activist Laura Miti has voiced her frustration over what she sees as a decline in the quality of government appointments in Zambia. In a Facebook post, Miti reflected on past administrations, comparing their leadership choices to the current system, which she believes prioritizes party loyalty over competence.
One thing I miss about the MMD administration from Chiluba down to RB is the quality of just about everyone appointed to high office. OK, there were one or two iffy Ministers, especially those overseeing the Copperbelt, and a couple of Vice Presidents that we should thank God were fired before they could pyana. In the main, though, you could not argue with the deservedness of Ministers, PSes, and Presidential advisers.
Miti acknowledged that while the MMD era had its shortcomings, it generally ensured that those in high office were capable of handling their roles. She suggested that this approach has faded over time, particularly after Rupiah Banda’s presidency.
Vabwela vachinja. Since RB—awee mwandi—ba Katekas bamachita chabe piki piki na pikidoli among loyalists, with the main requirement for office seemingly being that loyalty or longevity in the party.
She went further to say that many people in important government positions today do not seem to have clear roles or meaningful contributions, raising concerns that some jobs exist solely as rewards for party members.
So many people of no identifiable use to the country are in offices critical to its running. Some of the positions almost certainly created with the sole purpose of rewarding people with jobs.
Miti also expressed disappointment in President Hakainde Hichilema, saying that given his corporate background, one would expect a more professional and results-driven approach to appointments.
On that count, the current President is the most disappointing for me. I mean, corporate background and all. How can he be so bad at hiring and firing, or so at ease with incompetence?
Her post will draw attention, especially from those who share concerns about the state of leadership in Zambia. While government appointments have always been a subject of discussion, Miti’s remarks highlight the growing expectation for leadership that prioritizes ability over political ties.
Whether these concerns will lead to any changes in how appointments are made remains to be seen.
The recent walkout by United Party for National Development (UPND) Members of Parliament (MPs) during a parliamentary debate on the high cost of living has sparked widespread discussion and debate across Zambia. While some have criticized the move as an avoidance tactic, others view it as a strategic stand to prioritize the urgent needs of citizens over political point-scoring. To fully understand the context and implications of this action, it is essential to examine the motivations behind the walkout, the legacy of past economic mismanagement, and the UPND government’s ongoing efforts to address the economic challenges facing the nation.
The walkout by UPND MPs has been interpreted in various ways. Some see it as a bold statement of solidarity with Zambians struggling under the weight of rising living costs, while others view it as a refusal to engage in a debate perceived as politically charged. The opposition, led by Patriotic Front (PF) MP Mutotwe Kafwaya, had raised a motion urging the government to take practical steps to reduce the cost of living. However, UPND MPs argued that the debate was being manipulated for political gain rather than fostering constructive dialogue.
The walkout can be seen as a symbolic act of protest against what the UPND MPs viewed as a lack of sincerity in addressing the economic crisis. By refusing to participate in what they deemed a politicized debate, the MPs aimed to draw attention to the need for genuine, solution-oriented discussions. However, this move has also raised questions about leadership accountability, particularly regarding the role of the Chief Whip, who has faced scrutiny for the decision. Some have called for the Chief Whip to be relieved of his duties to underscore UPND’s commitment to accountability and effective governance.
The current economic challenges Zambia faces cannot be divorced from the legacy of the previous PF administration. Under their tenure, the country witnessed widespread corruption, mismanagement of public funds, and inflated infrastructure costs, all of which severely undermined economic stability. Key issues included:
The PF era was marked by rampant corruption, with government officials frequently engaging in corrupt practices with impunity. This eroded public trust in governmental institutions and diverted resources from critical sectors.
Numerous financial scandals, including negligent procurement practices, drained the national coffers and compromised the quality of essential services.
Infrastructure projects were often characterized by inflated costs, raising suspicions of financial impropriety and kickbacks. This misallocation of resources exacerbated the nation’s economic woes.
These systemic issues left the UPND government with an economy in disarray upon assuming office. The high cost of living, rising fuel prices, and increasing mealie meal costs are direct consequences of this mismanagement, compounded by external factors such as global economic instability.
In response to these challenges, the UPND government has implemented several strategic measures aimed at stabilizing the economy and fostering sustainable growth. Key initiatives include:
The government has sought assistance from the IMF to restore fiscal discipline, restructure debt, and implement reforms to promote economic recovery.
The UPND has been actively engaged in negotiations to restructure the debt inherited from the PF administration. This aims to alleviate the financial burden and create a conducive environment for economic growth.
The revitalization of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) has been a cornerstone of UPND’s strategy. By empowering local communities, the government has facilitated numerous success stories, such as infrastructure improvements at Mbinga Primary School in Chadiza District and the expansion of business ventures by the Chizombo Women’s Club in Zambezi District.
The government has taken steps to stabilize fuel prices and increase support for farmers through subsidies and fertilizer distribution. These measures are expected to boost food production and lower mealie meal prices in the long term.
While the opposition has a crucial role in holding the government accountable, their approach has often been criticized for prioritizing political point-scoring over constructive solutions. The walkout by UPND MPs can be seen as a response to what they perceived as a lack of genuine intent to address the economic crisis. However, this incident also highlights the need for bipartisan cooperation and meaningful dialogue to tackle the pressing economic challenges facing Zambia.
The cost of living affects everyone, and addressing it requires more than political blame games. It demands tangible economic strategies, expanded social protection programs, and enhanced public communication to ensure that government efforts are effectively conveyed to the populace. The UPND government has demonstrated its commitment to addressing these issues through its economic interventions, but the road to recovery is long and requires collective effort.
The UPND government’s walkout from Parliament, while controversial, underscores its commitment to prioritizing the urgent needs of Zambians over political theatrics. The economic challenges facing the nation are deeply rooted in the mismanagement and corruption of the previous administration, but the UPND is taking decisive steps to address these issues. Through transparent governance, strategic economic reforms, and community-driven development, Zambia is on a path to sustainable recovery and prosperity.
However, meaningful change requires more than government action; it demands a collective effort from all stakeholders, including the opposition, civil society, and citizens. By fostering constructive dialogue and focusing on solutions rather than blame, Zambia can overcome its economic challenges and build a brighter future for all. As the late President Levy Mwanawasa and Fredrick Chiluba (RIP) once asked, “Are we ready to sacrifice?” The answer lies in our ability to work together towards a common goal of economic stability and growth.
