Wednesday, April 2, 2025
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Gary Nkombo Hands Over Office After Dismissal, Vows Loyalty to UPND

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Former Minister of Local Government and Rural Development, Gary Nkombo, has swiftly handed over his office to his successor, Gift Simuunza Sialubalo, following his unexpected dismissal from President Hakainde Hichilema’s Cabinet.

Nkombo, who was relieved of his duties late Friday, officially transferred the ministry’s leadership on Saturday, even before Sialubalo was formally sworn in. His removal from office has sparked widespread reaction across the country, given his longstanding role in the United Party for National Development (UPND).

File:President Hichilema and hon Gary Nkombo in Mazabuka

In a statement on his Facebook page, Nkombo expressed gratitude to President Hichilema for allowing him to serve in government and reaffirmed his loyalty to the party.

“The handover was successful to a deserving man. It is with a pure heart I must thank the President for letting me serve in his Cabinet for this long. I remain loyal to him, to the party, and to the nation at large. I ask for prayers to sail through this moment. God works in mysterious ways. It will be ok in the end. And if it isn’t ok, then this isn’t the end,” he wrote.

During the handover, Nkombo pledged his continued commitment to UPND, stating that he holds no ill feelings about his dismissal.

“We have done a lot to build this party. I will remain a committed member of UPND,” he said.

His successor, Gift Simuunza Sialubalo, is the Member of Parliament for Sinazongwe. While yet to be sworn in, he assumes the ministerial role at a time when local government and rural development policies are at the center of national debate.

Nkombo’s dismissal comes amid ongoing Cabinet reshuffles, signaling possible strategic realignments within President Hichilema’s administration.

Kuomboka ceremony 2024
File; Kuomboka 2024

Government To Commence Mobile National Registration Card Issuance

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Government through the Ministry of Home Affairs and Internal Security will on 1st April, 2025 commence the issuance of National Registration Cards (NRCs) through mobile registration.

Minister of Home Affairs and Internal Security, Jack Mwiimbu, says the Ministry targets to capture about 3.5 million people in 3 months with an estimated cost of K440 Million.

“Teams will be sent to all 10 provinces simultaneously,” he indicated.

In a statement issued to ZANIS in Lusaka by the Ministry today, Mr Mwiimbu explained that the exercise aims to capture all eligible Zambian citizens who have turned 16 years or are above since the last mobile issuance of NRCs.

“The mobile issuance of NRCs will target rural areas, particularly in far-flung areas with no access to national registration offices,” he stated.

The Minister stressed that the initiative aims to empower citizens to participate in economic activities and strengthen electoral processes, as outlined in the 8th National Development Plan.

“Government has assured that the exercise will be conducted with utmost integrity and transparency, emphasising that any officer found engaging in corrupt practices will face stringent disciplinary measures,” Mr Mwiimbu noted.

Youths Participation In National Elections: Demystifying Notion Of Youth Takeover Of Key Leadership Posts in Zambia

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The presidential address on Youth Day beamed to our TV screens from Mongu on 12th March 2025 has stirred the hornet’s nest in the country. President Hakainde Hichilema found great opportunity to assert his views on the possibility of widening the net of youth participation in national affairs which also touched the significance of employing proportional representation as one way of embracing the minorities denied active participation in the Legislature as it is widely believed that the voice of the differently-abled so- called people with disabilities and women are not well-represented in our august house, let alone the youths who constitute the bulky majority of the citizenry in our country.

It is a well-known fact and indisputable that the youths played a huge role in the unseating of President Edgar Chagwa Lungu from State House in the 12th August 2021 Presidential and General Elections. The stunning defeat of the sixth Republican President Lungu was not a huge surprise to many Zambians. It was something I had anticipated considering the fact that the sociable President with a fixed broad Colgate smile had not tamed his cadres. Cadres of the Patriotic Front (PF) had besieged ECL and generated lawlessness across the country and brutally punched, whipped, maimed and killed perceived enemies of the mighty PF single-handedly formed by Michael Sata hand in glove with Dr Guy Scott when the shrewd spitting Cobra could not succeed President Frederick Chiluba after the 2001 elections which brought into power the handpicked Levy Mwanawasa anointed by Chiluba.

Sata knew about the abortion of the third term bid of Chiluba and he felt, as national secretary of the Movement for Multiparty Democracy, rightfully felt he was heir apparent to the Second President of the Republic Chiluba who had dribbled him and adopted a thickset lawyer he nicknamed Muzorewa, a name he pasted on Levy borrowed from Ian Smith’s puppet in the failed transition of 1979 which Smith manipulated and wanted the malleable opportunist to Bishop Abel Muzorewa to succeed him other than Joshua Nkomo or Robert Mugabe. Sata had frustrated 22 anti-third term MMD Members of Parliament and among them were Lt Gen Criston Tembo Republican Vice President), Brig Gen Godfrey Miyanda ( MMD Vice President), Edith Nawakwi, William Harrington, Dipak Patel, Suresh Desai, David Mpamba, and Simon ber Zukas among many others. He had colluded with Chiluba to expel the so-called ‘rebel’ MPs and hell broke loose. The harebrained FTJ Chiluba had tacit intentions to amend the Republican Constitution and get for himself a third term. This lofty ambition of an eloquent orator Chiluba was halted by thousands of protestors across Zambia. I went to Lusaka in August 2001 to attend a rally to be addressed by the 22 MPs near Kafue Roundabout grounds in Kamwala area where Downtown Shopping Mall now stands. Alas! The police led by Lusaka Province Commanding Officer Francis Kabonde swung into action. They fired live bullets in the air and later teargassed us and we were dispersed by the paramilitary and regular police for standing up to defend the Republican Constitution.

Later after some hours, Chiluba appeared on TV during the minutes close to midnight and rescinded his decision go for the third term. Mwanawasa was picked to stand on MMD ticket and Sata had formed the PF which secured 2 seats and the rest is history. The burly, tough man Levy Mwanawasa got the Presidency which some people felt was won by Anderson Kambela Mazoka, founder of the UPND. I would not want to get deeper into the aftermath of the third term fiasco of President Chiluba. It can be a stray into “irrelevant” politics of yesteryear.

Zambia is Constitutional Republic and not a Monarchy. From the time the colonial government permitted formation of African political parties in 1949 to date youth participation in politics has been profound. Kenneth Kaunda, Simon Kapwepwe, Kapasa Maksa, Dingiswayo Banda, Nephas Tembo, Grey Zulu, Reuben Kamanga, Sikota Wina, Arthur Wina, Nalumino Mundia, Munukayumbwa Sipalo, Mufaya Mumbuna, Jethro Mutti, Fines Bulawayo, Peter Matoka, Samuel Mbilishi, Willie Mwondela, Humphrey Mulemba, Aaron Milner, Bob Litana, Bautis Kapulu, Mary Fulano, Bessie Chibesa Kankasa, Christina Mulundika, Betty Chilunga, Zeniah Ndhlovu, Lilian Monze, Esther Banda, Mutumba Mainga, Princess Nakatindi Ng’anga mother of Miriam Ng’anga Wina, Solomon Kalulu, Alfred Musonda Chambeshi, Leonard Raphael Kombe, Rajah Kinda, Justin Mukando, Mathias Mainza Chona, Elijah Mudenda, Daniel Munkombwe, Samson Mukando, Edward M. Liso, Maxwell Beyani, Felix Luputa, Wilson Chakulya and Andrew Mutemba all started politics when they were youths. Youth is the golden age of every person under the sun. All members of the august House we call the National Assembly or Parliament now taking occupancy of the honourable seats were once youths. Youth primed them to where they are now. No old man under the sun or a senile old woman fell from heaven or from the planet Mercury as old people. Youth can determine one’s ultimate destiny through participation in community or national affairs.

The revered Nigerian politician of yesteryear Dr Namdi Benjamin Azikiwe, an Ibo kinsman who was a nationalist at heart once described the Youth as the spark that generates the power to enable the stream to flow. Youth is a leavening process in any society, underdeveloped or highly developed. Politics, like any other discipline which endeavours to better the lot of the broad masses is not the preserve of old adults. It is quite nauseating for some section of the political divide to cast aspersions on youth participation in national affairs. Parliament comprises honourable members who are from diverse backgrounds. Some are medical doctors, some are former teachers, some are former university lecturers with assorted academic and professional qualifications, some were marketeers with stalls in established huge markets and some came from the rare group of career politicians. There are self-proclaimed professional politicians who feel they have the moral and inalienable right to frown at youths and block them from participating in national affairs as Zambians. Hon Given Katuta could be highly suspicious of the current breed of the youths who are obsessed with politics of benefits and want to aspire for Parliament as career politicians with the sole purpose of amassing wealth and milk the coffers to the last coin. Modern politics are replete with stubborn and arrogant young cadres who are driven by appetite for violence other than functional cerebral power. Intolerance among youths is the order of the day and boggles the minds of the aged who have been duped by their own children and grandchildren.

Every country has issues bordering on acquisition of power between the youth and the adults advanced in age. Some senior politicians in both the ruling and opposition party circles take politics as a preserve of the most elderly and take it to be intricate, perplexing and galling to handled by younger ones as it is suited for those with experience, deep intellectual brilliance, and economically powerful and with sound minds and sound bodies. Imagine a Zambia with a high population of octogenarians and centurions living exclusively among themselves and totally ostracized from the youth! Imagine the aged at the helm of every department in government with the brazen effrontery to give commands and orders to youths with zipped up mouths who are no better than lifeless objects in a museum! The Dead Sea with all redundant putrid remains would be far better than the Zambia with youths treated like mere objects or empty casks of water. New ideas from the young ones working hand in glove with the old people is what can make Zambia a great nation.

A blending or fusion of the old and the young in the circles of government and governance is what would bring great value to our country. Azikiwe (1968:46) in his book entitled “Renascent Africa” asserts that new ideas imply new minds and these lead to a new order. On the other hand, old ideas denote old minds and these, inter alia, imply an old order. Youth acts as a catharsis to any given country. The revolt of the youth against injustice of the old which activates life in society. The old young MPs need the young young MPs or potential parliamentary nominees in the Proportional Representation system which may come before or after the 2026 elections. Youth who take delight in violent cadreism of yesteryear need immunisation from the viral disease of intra and inter- party violence. It is the mind which generates the power over matter.

The youth are the rivers which are ever pouring into the lakes which store water for future use. Rivers flow and lakes just stay with calmness of still water. Lakes are largely the source of rivers, at times. Without the dynamic action of the river flowing into the lake and from the lake reaching several people where it passes through lakes can be stagnant, torpid and polluted. The old folks or experienced MPs stand out as the lakes and the budding ones aspiring to be MPs are the rivers. When the lakes cease to be a river source, there would be no basin, no watershed, no vegetation and no valleys. Where a lake is source of the river, and the river flows coursing through plains and valleys and mountains, humankind receives blessings of lakewater and vegetation gives the beasts of the field abundant food to consume. The MPs in our Parliament may not be old but they need the glow and flow of youthful ideas and knowledge to enrich their experience. They need not fear the youths as elders but embrace them as the heartbeat of political, social and economic development.

Azikiwe through caution to the wind when he contended in his book published in 1968 that without the youthful in mind and body, the politics of society can degenerate, contaminate, corrupt, defile, dent, taint and pollute the African socio-economic fabric. Greed, avarice, contempt, hate, malice, character assassination, prejudice and covetousness would blow to bits and pieces democratic rule and good governance, let alone the rule of law other than proud and greedy men and women forged in the mold of Donald John Trump the upcoming monarch of the United States.

A constitutional making process cannot just be the preserve of old young women like Hon Given Katuta. It is neither for young old men like Dr Situmbeko Musokotwane. It is for all Zambians from all walks of life aplomb with civic literacy. The truth of the matter is that Zambia has poor levels of civic literacy insofar as constitutionalism and constitution-making are concerned. Many Zambians take no interest in matters of the constitution and this is cancer eating the country slowly where even simple clauses or articles of the Republican Constitution are taken to courts for interpretation by esteemed learned judges. Judges can interpret and misinterpret the Constitution in order to serve their own interests or interests of selected folks in power but their decisions ought to be respected by all lawyer citizens.

It is an incontrovertible and flawless truth that youth is the nerve centre of modern politics. Our President Hakainde Hichilema is past the age threshold of youth though he looks youthful. His concerns to amend the constitution have not been well-received by political leaders naturally repulsive and hateful of anything he attempts to introduce however constructive and positive. The Tonse Alliance leaders championing the cause of ECL and his cronies among them Given Lubinda and Daniel Chibale Pule cannot at any turn support anything HH would like to introduce. The trend in Zambia which arouses morbid opposition to constitution amendments proposed by the state and this has been commonplace from the days of Kenneth Kaunda to HH. The Mvunga Commission appointed by KK to take Zambia back to multipartyism was vehemently opposed by ZCTU strongman Frederick Chiluba and his allies in the MMD who declined to be part of the commission in 1990.

However, liberal trade unionists like late old Herbert Bweupe the ZCTU Vice Chairperson and Assistant General Secretary late Samuel Lungu took part and got a bashing from the political sledge hammer of the vociferous FTJ Chiluba who ensured that they were booted out of the ZCTU for mere participation in the Mvunga Commission as members appointed by Super Ken who had become his life enemy. That was not healthy for politics of democracy and tolerance. Chiluba had appointed the Mwanakatwe Commission led by John Mupanga Mwanakatwe SC as chairperson. Prof Patrick Mvunga SC and Ernest Mwansa were lawyers on the Commission I interfaced with at Luanshya Civic Centre in June/July 1993 with my late friend Pastor Hastings Israel Mzumara. The Constitution Mwanakatwe’s team drafted introduced the limit to the term of office of the Republican President and its apartheid-like design barred KK from participating in the 1996 Presidential and General Elections and ultimately UNIP destroyed itself by withdrawing from the Parliamentary Elections.

Chiluba had weaker contenders like Chama Chakomboka and Dean Namulya Mung’omba giving himself an upper edge over the two contestants. MMD had an overwhelming majority in Parliament but a weaker legislature shot down democracy and entrenched a system akin to elected dictatorship, though freedom of the people and the press remained unscathed. Chiluba never closed the Post Newspaper Office at Kanjombe House regardless of editorials written about him which were critical of his administration though he instructed his party and government leaders not to advertise in The Post Newspaper or buy the paper using public funds. The most independent newspaper stood tall and outlived so many new newspapers which went under deep waters of bankruptcy and liquidation.

Levy Mwanawasa had appointed the Mung’omba Commission led by lawyer/economist and former African Development Bank President Willa Mung’omba in 2004. The Mung’omba Constitution was marred with opposition championed by the opposition leaders among them Anderson Mazoka and Michael Sata. The National Constitutional Conference it convened to adopt the Constitution proved to be a tragic failure in constitution-making. Participants got hefty allowances for sitting and arguing at Mulungushi International Conference Centre but came up with nothing worth talking about as dissenting views and acrimony brought the Mung’omba Constitution to near disaster. Zambians had a fall back on the 1996 Mwanakatwe Constitution. Several draft copies at Civic Centres went unread and gathered dust as very few youths and elderly people showed interest in it.
In 2012 President Michael Sata appointed a Technical Committee chaired by the affable and conscientious man of profound humility former Chief Justice Annel Silungwe with Dr Julius Bikkoloni Sakala SC as vice chairperson. The Technical Committee held Provincial and District Constitution Conferences and I was privileged to participate in it as deputy facilitator for Luanshya to our former town clerk Mr Alex Mwansa, by my estimation the best ever town clerk Luanshya had as he enhanced levels of integrity. I was privileged to learn from facilitators among them Dr Rodger Choongwe SC, Reuben Lifuka, Simon Kabanda and Paulman Chungu, a brilliant Lusaka lawyer. Dr Rodger Choongwe and Simon Kabanda handled a crucial subject- Proportional Representation.

They convinced the majority of us that PR was a very sound approach to strengthening democracy in Zambia as it gave all political parties leverage to get seats in the National Assembly in a country where voter aparthy and partisan voting was negating democracy and killing the spirit of unity. When the new Republican Constitution draft was availed to us delegates subject to thorough group debates, Proportional Representation could not sit in the 2016 Republican Constitution signed by ECL as Sata’s successor. Sebastian Saizi Zulu SC was later fired by President Sata for unspecified reasons and succeeded by Sata’s protege Wynter Kabimba whom he also fired as Wynter proved to be a thorn in the flesh of greedy and over-ambitious leaders, needless to mention their names. The dismissal of Wynter elated the opportunists and mystified the party loyalists who wanted sanity in the PF later hijacked by MMD villains who turned it into a brutal machinery beyond the control of ECL and his associates.

ECL did his part in passing the Silungwe Technical Committe Constitution in 2016 after he was re- elected.
The HH administration intends to amend the Constitution which must embrace the marginalized and disadvantaged members of society such as the youths, women and the differently abled. His intentions have triggered repulsive attacks with so many accusations heaped on him. Some leaders in opposition parties feel making amendments now shortly before the elections next year may be treated as an exercise in manipulation of the Republican Constitution.

In a democratic system like ours, there is need for all parties to put their acts together by debating the proposals he made and ensure that a common ground is reached to accommodate the disadvantaged groups without taking advantage of any thing that may inhibit the birth of an amended Republican Constitution which has to have the support of the majority of Zambians. One-man show constitutions are bound to fail and we must all join hands to discuss the rudiments and intricacies of President HH’s submissions with non-partisan interests which would come up with a Zambian-driven Republican Constitution which would not divide us. Together we can make a very sound, vibrant, radiant and citizen-driven Constitution without pulling punches. This country belongs to all Zambians and no single party large or small owns this country. Zambia is greater than all political giants and must stand out as a paragon of democracy and rule of law in the whole of Africa replete with tyrants and self-proclaimed monarchies who have shredded constitutions and placed themselves above the law. Let us serve and sav CVe Mother Zambia with selflessness and sacrificial service.

Author is Shaddon Chanda, Luanshya based Historian and Academician

President Hichilema Axes Nkombo in Mysterious Cabinet Reshuffle

Lusaka, Zambia – March 28, 2025 In a decisive and unexpected move, President Hakainde Hichilema has terminated the appointment of Hon. Gary Nkombo as Minister of Local Government and Rural Development. The terse statement issued by State House this evening, invoking Article 270 of the Constitution of Zambia, provided no substantive justification for the dismissal of one of the administration’s prominent figures, immediately triggering intense speculation among political observers and stakeholders.

The announcement, delivered with clinical efficiency, followed the familiar script of such terminations: a perfunctory thank-you for services rendered, a swift naming of a successor (Sinazongwe MP Hon. Gift Sialubalo), and a conspicuous absence of detail. But in Zambian politics, where every word carries weight, the silence was deafening.

“When State House doesn’t furnish a reason, it’s deliberate,” remarked a veteran UPND strategist, speaking on condition of anonymity. “This wasn’t a routine reshuffle. Something precipitated this.”

Multiple sources within the ruling party and cabinet corridors suggest that Nkombo’s ouster may be linked to what one insider described as “unsettled political ambitions.” The former minister, a long-standing UPND stalwart, had reportedly been quietly cultivating influence beyond his portfolio a move interpreted in some quarters as laying the groundwork for a future presidential bid.

“He was holding meetings, building alliances, and some interpreted this as positioning,” revealed a senior UPND figure. “In our system, that’s often seen as a challenge to the throne.”

Nkombo’s recent public remarks on decentralization and local governance,topics central to his ministry had also raised eyebrows. While framed as policy discussions, some allies of the president viewed them as veiled critiques of the administration’s pace of reform.

The timing is notable. With the UPND still consolidating power after its 2021 victory, internal cohesion remains a priority. Analysts suggest Hichilema may be sending a clear message: loyalty is non-negotiable.

“This is classic preemptive politics,” said Dr. Lorraine Chibwe, a political scientist at the University of Zambia. “Remove a potential rival early, before they gain traction. The question is whether this stabilizes the party or fuels dissent.”

For now, Nkombo remains an MP, retaining a platform in the National Assembly. But his political trajectory is now uncertain. Will he attempt reconciliation, or could this mark the beginning of a more confrontational path? Opposition parties are already circling, sensing an opportunity to exploit UPND fractures.

Meanwhile, incoming minister Gift Sialubalo a relatively low-profile figure faces immediate pressure to prove his mettle in a role previously held by a seasoned operator.

State House’s silence on the rationale invites speculation: Were there undisclosed performance issues? A scandal avoided? Or is this purely political housekeeping?

What’s clear is that in Zambia’s high-stakes political arena, no position is safe and ambition, real or perceived, can be a career-ending gamble.

As the dust settles, one truth emerges: Behind every sudden termination, there’s always a backstory. And in this case, Lusaka’s rumor mill is already working overtime.

Mumbi Phiri: A PF Lioness President Hakainde Hichilema Can’t Break!

By Kapya Kaoma

If one sift through police dockets, it’s hard to understand why Mrs. Mumbi Phiri remains a free woman. The former Deputy General Secretary of the Patriotic Front (PF) has faced numerous high-profile arrests, including charges of aggravated robbery and even murder. Yet, her political journey is remarkable, marked by a resilience that challenges perceptions.

As Zambian history unfolds in its post-one-party state era, names like Chishimba Kambwili, GBM, and Edith Nawakwi may fade, but Mumbi Phiri’s legacy is set to endure. Like an African lioness, Phiri fiercely defends her territory—even at personal cost. In a nation grappling with complex socio-economic issues, she is a living example of courageous leadership: an advocate for the marginalized, a voice of reason amid chaos, and someone who speaks the truth to power, undeterred by intimidation.

Mumbi Phiri’s ascent in Zambian politics has been unconventional. However, her journey has not been without obstacles, even within her own party. At one point, she endured the disappointment of being overlooked as a parliamentary candidate. In a male-dominated political field entrenched in gender biases, she has managed to find her voice, confronting challenges head-on and inspiring young women to engage in politics.

Her candid demeanor and passionate rhetoric have unsettled rivals, but her true strength lies in her genuine connection with the hopes and struggles of ordinary Zambians. She shows that fear and politics should not intertwine; tor her: if you can’t stand the heat, step aside. While many male politicians have faltered under the pressure of the Hakainde Hichilema administration, Mumbi Phiri remains steadfast, persistently challenging the UPND leadership even as she faces her own legal trials.

Most would expect arrests to silence dissent, but for Mumbi Phiri, each detention appears to ignite her political defiance against what she perceives as Hichilema’s arrogance and abuse of power. Her Bemba spirit radiates compassion, even in challenging circumstances—an essential aspect of her character.

Confronted with the harsh realities facing the masses—poverty, high unemployment, inadequate healthcare, and income disparities—madam Mumbi has crafted a narrative that appeals to everyday people. She serves as a maternal figure of hope, offering a smile amid adversity. While Vice President Mutale Nalumango may represent women’s voices, Mumbi Phiri arguably fulfills that role as the mother to impoverished women across Zambia.

To a degree, Mumbi Phiri has revitalized the PF. While many lost faith in the party after it lost power and in the aftermath of Hichilema’s crackdown on its leadership, she remained steadfast, like a sunflower standing tall in the sweltering heat of political adversity. Her approach to opposition politics blends sharp critique with grassroots engagement; she has been relentless in supporting fellow party members facing harassment.

Mumbi Phiri’s authenticity has fostered trust—a valuable commodity in a party often divided. She speaks openly about the need for reforms targeting social justice and economic empowerment, advocating for solutions that address immediate concerns and lay the groundwork for sustainable development should PF regain power. Her critique of the UPND administration is simple: it has failed the Zambian people.

Importantly, her influence extends beyond the PF. In a nation where women’s voices are often marginalized, she powerfully demonstrates the vital role women play in national progress. She shows that while police cells, courtrooms, and prisons can crush one’s spirit, they can also galvanize the fight for justice.

As Zambia prepares for its next general election, Mumbi Phiri represents more than political ambition—she is a blend of strength, hope, and compassion. Her life story should inspire young women to stand up against injustice in any form. Indeed, the transformative power of politics arises from challenges, and her life stands as a testament to strength, hope, and courage.

Regardless of one’s opinion Hon. Mumbi, there is no denying of her determination and resilience. She is not just a name; she is a force—a catalyst for change. She is an example of what it means to lead with integrity in service to the people.

Zambia Wake-Up Party (ZAWAPA) Warns UPND Over Conistitutional Amendment

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Zambia Wake-Up Party (ZAWAPA) President Howard Kunda has warned the UPND Government against forcing the proposed constitutional amendment on the people of Zambia amid rejection of the process from key stakeholders.

Mr. Kunda said the people of Zambia have rejected constitutional amendments through the voices of the Church, Political Parties and the civil society.

Justice Minister Princess Kasune on Wednesday in Parliament unveiled the road map for the amendment process and some clauses to be amended in the republican constitution.

One of the controversial issues proposed in the amendments is increasing the number of nominated Members of Parliament from the current eight by revising Article 68 (2) b.

Mr. Kunda, the former Muchinga Member of Parliament said going ahead to amend the constitution when people have rejected it is betrayal of the voters.

He said the UPND should not champion constitutional amendment in order to dubiously stay longer in power.

“Where did the UPND get the proposed clauses from when they have not held any public consultative meetings to get people’s views on constitutional amendment? Which people is the UPND talking about? These clauses they are proposing to be changed in our Constitution can wait until after the next elections because we don’t have time to go around the country to get the views of citizens. The people have said no to constitutional amendment because there is no time. This Government should listen to the people; the republican constitution is a people’s document. You can change the UPND party constitution and not our Republican constitution,” Mr. Kunda said.

“Giving a constitutional amendment four months is not only irresponsible but a betrayal of the Zambian people’s trust that voted for them to better their lives and not to change the constitution. It is very clear that this Government has failed to live up to the expectations of the people and therefore they would want to change the constitution so that they can prolong their stay in office. Zambians have said no, the Church has said no, the civil society has said no and the Law Association of Zambia (LAZ) has said there is no time,” he said.

Government Happy With Public Response On Constitution Roadmap

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Chief Government Spokesperson Cornelius Mweetwa says the government has received positive feedback from the public since the announcement of the proposed constitutional amendments by Minister of Justice, Princess Kasune, yesterday.

Mr Mweetwa states that the announcement of the proposed constitutional amendments has put to rest the propaganda which was being peddled that President Hakainde Hichilema wanted to increase the tenure of office to seven years.

“I would like to place here and now the government’s gratitude that ever since the Minister of Justice announced these proposed amendments to the Constitution most citizens have received these proposals well,” He said.

Mr Mweetwa who is also Minister of Information and Media disclosed during the media briefing that the government has no draft bill in place for amendment of the constitution as suggested by some sections of society.

The Minister explained that the proposed constitutional clauses for amendment presented to parliament yesterday by the Minister of Justice are not cast into stone but rather to give an opportunity for citizens and stakeholders to make comments as the government embarks on the journey of soliciting minimum consensus on possible constitutional amendments.

He explained that some of the clauses have been posing a challenge to the operations of government hence the need to amend the targeted clauses.

“Let me reiterate here that there is no draft bill for the amendment of the Zambian Constitution.”

Mr Mweetwa said it was necessary that the selected proposed clauses for amendments are addressed and pointed out that some clauses in the constitution have been causing administrative challenges in service delivery.

“It is necessary and expedient that they be addressed now because they are providing administrative challenges to the operations of government in a quest to provide the services for which this government was elected to save the people of Zambia,” He said.

Meanwhile, Mr Mweetwa says the number of seats that will be proposed to be added to the current 156 elective seats will be decided by the Electoral Commission for Zambia (ECZ ).

He emphasized during the media briefing, that it is the mandate of the ECZ to facilitate the periodic assessments of constituency delimitation and wards.

“This is one issue which I think is fairly straightforward, but that the number of seats that may be proposed to be added to the current 156 elective seats will be a function of the Electoral Commission for Zambia.”

Mr Mweetwa said the proposed delimitation is in inline with the constitutional requirement that ECZ is mandated by law.

Press release of ZCCM Defense Political interference at ZCCM-IH : Responses to economist Lubinda Haabazoka

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1. Background
In our press release of 18 February 2025 (Appendix 1), we informed the Zambian people and ZCCM-IH stakeholders that serious interference was taking place within ZCCM-IH. This interference is clearly contrary to the country’s interests and is being orchestrated by IDC CEO Cornwell Muleya and Secretary to the Cabinet Patrick Kangwa. On 16 March 2025, we spoke of President Hichilema’s strong commitments to end political interference in the parastatals, but his fine promises have never been kept. (Appendix 2)

On 18 March 2024, economist Lubinda Hahaabazoka wrote the press release « Unfair Attack by Thierry CHARLES, The So-Called President of ZCCM Defense ». (Appendix 3).We therefore wish to respond to the inconsistencies, untruths, inaccuracies and blatant misunderstandings of this economist, and thus provide the Zambian people and ZCCM-IH stakeholders with information that will enable everyone to have an informed understanding of the situation.

2. ZCCM Defense

Lubinda Haabazoka discredits our defense association. Its founding General Assembly took place on 18 October 2024 in France under number W514004247, and I was elected President.For several decades, minority shareholders of the Zambian companies ZCCM and then ZCCM -Investments Holdings have held informal consultations to defend their interests as minority
shareholders of the company. The creation of the ZCCM Defense association is intended to officially formalize the defense of ZCCM-IH minority shareholders and, beyond that, the protection of the interests of local populations throughout the world, particularly in Zambia,against the actions of negligent, incompetent or corrupt managers, Directors or governments, or those of commercial or mining companies, or individuals not acting in the general interest.
Minority shareholders through ZCCM Defense now have the legal tools to take legal action in any jurisdiction. (Appendix 4)
3. Political interference
Lubinda Haabazoka criticises our discontentment with political interference:
« the company is majority-owned by the Zambian government, which means that government influence is both logical and necessary », « I find it very surprising that Mr. Charles can be shocked that the government has influence over ZCCM-IH. This company is owned by the Zambian people through the government. It would be irresponsible for the government not to have a say in its operations. »ZCCM-IH is listed on the Euronext, LuSE and LSE international markets. It is very surprising for an economist not to know that listed companies obey rules governed by Authority Bodies, that the rights and interests of minority shareholders must be preserved and that, consequently,political interference aimed at putting pressure on the Board and Management for purposes contrary to the interests of the company are formally prohibited. In addition, the latest SOEs policy reaffirms these basic principles.

His press release is surreal, and totally contradicts what Lubinda Haabazoka said less than two years ago in a joint interview with CTPD Researcher Elijah Mumba (Appendix 5) : the ZCCM-IH board independence was important as international investors needed to protect their investments and ZCCM-IH Board lacks autonomy. He emphasised on the need for ZCCM-
IH to be autonomy in its operations.

« The ZCCM-IH board needs to be totally autonomous, free from political interference while practicing high level of transparency in its operations to avoid driving away investors who may feel their investments are not safe in the mining sector » CTPD Elijah Mumba has added.We leave it to the Zambian people to judge Lubinda Haabazoka’s credibility in the face of such inconsistencies…

4. Mopani
Lubinda Haabazoka also wrote « When Mopani shares were given to ZCCM-IH, how much did the minority shareholders contribute? I missed that part and should be briefed ».Clearly, Lubinda Haabazoka has no knowledge of the ZCCM-IH case and is taking the liberty of casting unjustified aspersions on the minority shareholders… What is he talking about? He
seems to have no idea what a company’s shareholding structure is… When ZCCM was transformed into ZCCM-IH in 2000, ZCCM-IH kept 10% of the shares in Mopani and 90% were acquired by Carlisa Investments (owned by Glencore and First Quantum). None of the shareholders of the former ZCCM contributed anything, including minority shareholders and the
Zambian state, since the successful bidder’s proposal gave a 10 % interest of 5 % free carry and the other 5 % repayable from future dividends (Appendix 6) … Then, ZCCM-IH shares were sold to investors by the GRZ, a sale known as stage I of privatization. The price for each share naturally included the 10% of Mopani shares.

ZCCM-IH alone took on $1.5 billion in debt to acquire 90% of Mopani in 2021 at a staggering price on pressure of GRZ. Why did Dr Haabazoka not say anything about this overpaid,strangely badly negotiated amount, where former vice-presidente Inonge Wina even said that it was the deal of the year, when our company was on the verge of ruin because of the exorbitant interest charged by Glencore?

5. Silence or strange complacency
Lubinda Haabazoka presents himself as a great connoisseur of ZCCM-IH and the mining sector,and is supposedly promoting a return to the glory days of the past.

5.1 provisional liquidation of KCM
In May 2019, Lubinda Haabazoka met former President Edgar Lungu at State House and endorsed the action to place Konkola Copper Mines (KCM) on provisional liquidation.(Appendix 7) Given the situation over the last six years, it is clear that he had no vision on this issue. It was obviously imperative to get rid of Vedanta, but we talked about another way of doing it. Why did Lubinda Haabazoka endorse the PF-initiated liquidation of KCM when there was a shareholders’ agreement protecting Vedanta, and why did he not support our group’s proposal that the liquidation procedure should instead be initiated by a defrauded subcontractor to avoid involving the GRZ and ZCCM-IH in arbitration?

5.2 Ndola Lime
Why did he not hold IDC CEO Cornwell Muleya to account when ZCCM Defense recently condemned his culpable inaction regarding the $120 million that went up in smoke in a very 2suspicious manner? Why did Lubinda Haabazoka not relay the Committee on Parastatal Bodies’ unheeded recommendation to prosecute the crooks?

5.3 Silence on hidden documents
Lubinda Haabazoka and Elijah Mumba have called for a high level of transparency in the operations of ZCCM-IH. Why did the economist not react when Mines Minister Paul Kabuswe refused to answer parliamentarians’ questions about the details of the deal with IRH concerning Mopani?Why did Lubinda Haabazoka not question the GRZ when it refused to give the minority
shareholders the documents they had requested on the astronomical purchase of the 90% stake in Mopani? Or the documents concerning the Royalties of KMP deal with First Quantum Minerals?

On this subject, perhaps Lubinda Haabazoka will finally turn words into tangible actions, get a grip and quickly and delve into First Quantum’s 2024 accounts and then inform the Zambian people that paltry 3.1% KMP royalty is peanuts compared to the 20% of KMP’s colossal revenues that ZCCM-IH could have obtained without this deceptive deal…

6. Accusation of bootlicking
One wonders why the economist Lubinda Haabazoka is silent on such damaging facts for ZCCM-IH when he claims to want ZCCM-IH to be revived?His propensity to cajole and caress the governments in place that be is apparently not something new. He was the former President of the Economics Association of Zambia (EAZ).During his presidency , « the EAZ was so pro government it led to one of Zambia’s biggest donors the United Kingdom questioning the professionnalism of the Association » and he was accused of « bootlicking » former President Edgar Lungu. (Appendix 8)

7. Zambian Army
Lubinda Haabazoka said « Zambia only has three defenders: The Zambia Army, The Zambia Air Force, and The Zambia National Service ».

As far as ZCCM-IH is concerned, we totally disagree. For more than a year, The Zambia National Service has illegally seized and operates ZCCM-IH’s Mushe Milling mill without any authorisation. Where does the mealie meal go? What happens there? Are high ranking military officers involved in speculation of mealie meal to line their own pockets? Is this defending Zambians?

At the time of the closure of the Kasenseli gold mine, the Zambia National Service and Zambia Army were responsible for guarding the mine. Yet the fences and equipment were ransacked.Worse still, the Zambian army was even accused of mining the gold during the long years of closure. In response to the uproar and accusations, three ZNS officers were fired for illegal gold mining (Appendix 9). Is this defending Zambia? On the social Networks, Dr Haabazoka said « Maybe one day, I will be commander in chief of all armed forces in Zambia. » (Appendix 10)

If, one day, his prophecy comes true, we strongly encourage him to urge the Zambian military to really defend Zambia and to stop making them play millers or Jerabos to the detriment of ZCCM-IH and therefore Zambian interests…

8. Conclusion
It is distressing that investors in Zambia should be castigated in this way for exposing wrongdoing at ZCCM-IH and for wanting the company to be run according to high standards of governance and without malfeasance.This attack is all the more illegitimate as it comes from someone who claims that « if I had money, I would rather invest it in China than keep it in the country» (Appendix 11).

And this person has the impudence to go on to give lessons in patriotic morality and to denigrate investors who put their money into Zambia and want their investments safeguarded !Lubinda Haabazoka is perfectly right when he states that « The board members at ZCCM-IH represent us, and their voting should be based on what we, the Zambians, want. That interest is vested in the Zambian government, who are our representatives. Every five years, we go to the polls to appraise the
performance of these representatives. » But the Zambian people should not be misled by politicians and pseudo-experts and should be able to make an informed choice !

Meanwhile, for our all ill-intentioned detractors, ZCCM Defense will continue to inform Zambians of what is happening in their flagship ZCCM-IH as well as in the mining sector so that they are fully informed. ZCCM Defense will continue to defend the Company’s interests despite the bad eggs.

Issued by :
Thierry CHARLES
President of ZCCM Defense

APPENDIX 1 :

APPENDIX 2 :

Where are President Hichilema’s fine promises ?


APPENDIX 3 :
https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=666417205906730&id=100076153686273&_rdr
APPENDIX 4 :
https://www.lusakatimes.com/2024/10/28/zccm-defense-association-formally-established-to-protect-
minority-shareholders-and-local-communities/
APPENDIX 5 :
https://www.pressreader.com/zambia/daily-nation-newspaper/20230513/281500755598619?
srsltid=AfmBOoo5PvGRMf3C7ymO_4ecgy9cLdcWqUl8BVndrP3DpUtZiVas1vwV
APPENDIX 6 :
source : ZAMBIA PRIVATISATION AGENCY – PRIVATISATION TRANSACTION SUMMARY SHEETS 1992 –
2005 – page n°76
APPENDIX 7 :
https://www.lusakatimes.com/2019/05/25/economics-association-of-zambia-endorses-kcm-
liquidation/
APPENDIX 8 :

Has Dr Lubinda Haabazoka’s Gamble paid off?


APPENDIX 9 :

ZNS Officers Fired for Illegal Gold Mining at Kasenseli


APPENDIX 10 :

APPENDIX 11 :
https://diggers.news/local/2024/05/06/upnd-has-focused-on-corruption-fight-neglecting-economy-dr-
haabazoka/

Maize is Plentiful – It’s Not About ZESCO

13

A closer look at Zambia’s bumper harvest and the real drivers behind reduced milling activity

By Adrian Gunduzani, The Observer

It is easy to observe, even without technical data, that maize is in abundance this season. Across rural roads, markets, and storage depots, one sees evidence of a nation that has harvested well. While the Millers Association of Zambia (MAZ) has raised concerns about reduced mealie meal demand and miller operations—attributing part of the challenge to power supply—this explanation misses the bigger picture. Zambia is not facing a supply problem. Quite the contrary: government-led agricultural policy is beginning to bear fruit.

The 2024–2025 farming season has seen a bumper harvest in many regions. This is not accidental. It is the result of deliberate planning and persistent follow-up on the part of the government. Last year’s fertilizer distribution may have started with a few logistical hiccups, but it was quickly stabilized. By the time the planting season was fully underway, cooperatives across the country had received inputs—largely on time—under the government’s input support programme; FISP and the credit facility.

Where there were pockets of mismanagement, for example in Mkushi, strong pronouncements were made. Government directed that any cooperative chairperson or member found to have misappropriated fertilizer or seed would be deregistered and face sanctions. Such policy clarity helped restore order and integrity to a system that had previously suffered from abuse and lax enforcement.

Thanks to this level of oversight, many farmers were empowered to grow. And grow they did. Today, most regions report healthy reserves of maize, with some localities even exceeding anticipated yields. Claims that mills are idle due to poor electricity supply are difficult to reconcile with what farmers and transporters on the ground are witnessing.

This season’s success is also rooted in Zambia’s broader economic reforms. Debt restructuring has freed up resources for agricultural inputs. Meanwhile, increased investment in rural infrastructure is also making it easier for farmers to transport and store their produce. These improvements are not immediate fixes, but they show that long-term planning is finally taking root. This cannot be ignored. Kulolekesha!

What the MAZ statement does highlight, albeit indirectly, is the need for stronger coordination between stakeholders. If mills will have slow production despite an abundant maize crop, then the conversation must shift toward issues of market linkages, storage strategy, demand forecasting and power supply. On the other hand, power cuts have been a reality for many sectors, but they are not new, and certainly not new enough to be blamed exclusively for market changes in an otherwise successful season.

Looking ahead, the next frontier is irrigation. The government has already begun laying the groundwork through winter maize projects and national service initiatives aimed at reducing dependency on rain-fed agriculture. Expanding these programs will ensure Zambia’s food security even in the face of climate shocks.

In a season marked by real progress, it is important that narratives reflect facts on the ground. There is maize. There is food security. And there is a growing agricultural system that—while not perfect—is moving in the right direction. The focus now should be on consolidating these gains and ensuring that every player in the value chain—from smallholder farmer to miller—is aligned and informed.

Zambia has done well. Let’s acknowledge the challenges, yes—but let’s not overlook the success.

President Hichilema Calls for Unity and National Values at Clergy Prayer Gathering

4

The Clergy Prayer and Envisioning Gathering at the Mulungushi International Conference,
President Hakainde Hichilema has called on the church to continue serving as the moral compass of the nation, emphasizing the importance of unity, love, and hard work in shaping Zambia’s future.

Speaking at the Clergy Prayer and Envisioning Gathering at the Mulungushi International Conference Center on Tuesday, President Hichilema underscored the vital role of faith leaders in guiding the country’s moral and spiritual direction. The event served as a precursor to the upcoming National Day of Prayer on October 18.

“As the Psalmist reminds us, ‘Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord’ (Psalm 33:12),” President Hichilema said, urging religious leaders to instill fundamental values in children from an early age.

He also expressed gratitude for the blessing of rains in recent months, a crucial factor for the country’s agricultural and economic stability.

“The church should lead in teaching our children at an early stage the fundamental values that define our identity,” he said, reaffirming the government’s commitment to working alongside religious institutions in fostering national development.

President Hichilema reiterated that Zambia remains a nation under God and encouraged the clergy to continue preaching messages of peace, unity, and diligence.

“As a partner, the church has a crucial role in driving national development. We reaffirm our commitment to the supremacy of God as the Lord of our country, Zambia,” he stated.

The National Day of Prayer, scheduled for October 18, is an annual observance dedicated to seeking divine guidance and promoting national unity.

The Clergy Prayer and Envisioning Gathering at the Mulungushi International Conference,

Mulenga Cries For Locals Mine Benefits

4

Copperbelt-based good governance experts have urged the Government to act urgently and safeguard the interest of local contractors, suppliers, and communities on the Copperbelt amid complaints against mining firms.

Local contractors, suppliers, and communities have been protesting over inadequate business opportunities and jobs in the mining sector.

Mr. Mulenga said complaints that mining firms prefer to deal with foreign entities when it comes to supplying; contracting and employing workers were genuine.

“Government action is urgently needed in response to the concerns expressed by Copperbelt suppliers, contractors, and other stakeholders about the activities of Mopani and KCM investors. According to the suppliers, major mining firms are favouring foreign companies for business, disregarding corporate social investment in mining towns, putting local businesses last, and delaying supplier payments by up to 90 to 120 days. Economic stability is being threatened by this circumstance, and the Copperbelt’s population is becoming increasingly dissatisfied,” Mr. Mulenga said.

He said there is a need for the Government to be proactive in order to earn confidence from local contractors, suppliers, and mining communities.

“It is intolerable for local contractors and suppliers to be excluded from significant involvement in mining-related operations. Foreign companies shouldn’t be given preferential treatment over Zambian companies, especially when there is local expertise and capacity. Additionally, small and medium-sized businesses are being severely hampered by late payments, which make it hard for them to maintain operations, compensate staff, and reinvest in expansion. These problems are made worse by the lack of substantial corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs, which deprive mining communities of vital investments in healthcare, education, and infrastructure,” Mr. Mulenga said.

He said the mining industry must be managed responsibly and inclusively for long-term economic stability and the advancement of the country.

“They could have implemented the local content if they so desired, but they have been holding off on doing so for much too long. To solve these issues, the government must act decisively. In order to guarantee that a significant percentage of mining contracts are given to Zambian-owned companies, it should first enforce local procurement limits. Second, in order to avoid financial hardship for nearby companies, stringent payment rules that mandate mining companies complete payments with suppliers within 30 days must be implemented.”

“In order to protect companies from late payments, the government should also set up a Supplier Protection Fund or guarantee program. Investments in mining must yield observable advantages for the people of the Copperbelt. By implementing laws that guarantee ethical corporate practices, prompt payments, and significant social investment, the government may safeguard nearby companies and communities. Inaction will only increase public annoyance and erode confidence in the Government and investors,” Mr. Mulenga concluded.

Is the PF Poised to Unseat HH in 2026?

By Kapya Kaoma

This question is on the minds of many Zambians, yet the answer remains elusive. Zambian political history suggests a grim fate for any party that loses power: it risks extinction. This history has emboldened UPND political commentators and insiders alike, using it as ammunition in their organizational strategy: “The PF will never reclaim power; history proves it!” Yet, the PF may stand a stronger chance of unseating the UPND in the upcoming 2026 elections than many are willing to acknowledge.

Dismissing this possibility ignores one key factor. It’s uncertain whether Zambian politics will continue to support an ever-growing number of political parties. What is certain, however, is that the UPND won’t vanish even if President Hakainde Hichilema loses in 2026. Should that happen, he would undoubtedly seek to run again in 2031 on the UPND ticket, as long as Southern Province—and its ethnic dominance—exists. Like many political movements worldwide, the party’s strength is rooted in its ethnic identity, allowing it to remain a formidable presence without the need for widespread organization elsewhere in the nation.

In contrast, the PF lacks a defined tribal or ethnic stronghold. Instead, its resilience lies in what social movement theorists call “laden structures”—existing institutions in various provinces, a legacy left by its founder, Michael Sata. The PF government excelled at establishing local chapters, a strategy that ultimately engulfed the MMD long before it captured Plot 1.

Moreover, the PF has refused to retreat quietly into the shadows after its 2021 electoral defeat. The political witch hunts and often politically motivated prosecutions under Hichilema’s administration have inadvertently forged the PF’s identity as a persecuted party. This witch hunt not only fosters solidarity within its ranks but also shapes public perception of Hichilema’s regime.

Hichilema’s repeated attacks on certain ethnic groups, particularly the Bembas and Easterners, have fueled further resentment among substantial segments of the electorate. Adding insult to injury, many voters from the PF base have noted that they were left out of agricultural assistance schemes that benefited UPND strongholds, providing fertile ground for the PF to exploit ethnic grievances in rural areas.

The economic situation has further played into the PF’s hands, with Hichilema’s once-promising campaign focused on economic reform now overshadowed by its own pitfalls. Faced with soaring inflation and crippling debt, Hichilema has backpedaled on nearly all his campaign commitments, contributing to a steep decline in his political popularity.

The return of former president Edgar Lungu to active politics has sent shockwaves through Hichilema’s administration, triggering a sense of urgency and panic. Rather than allowing time to prepare for a potential rematch in 2026, Hichilema has resorted to using law enforcement strategies to neutralize his opponents. This has resulted in a series of humiliations for the Lungu family and a rising sense of sympathy and support for Lungu in the public sphere. While some legal actions may be justified, many perceive them as mere “mingalatos” designed to stifle the PF’s resurgence.

In doing so, Hichilema has unwillingly aided the PF’s reorganization efforts in forging alliances with smaller parties. It remains uncertain whether these alliances will endure until election day. Should the economic situation improve dramatically, Hichilema could reestablish his political footing. Yet, the harsh reality remains: the PF has effectively painted Hichilema as a failure. Thus, they stand a better chance of regaining power—if they can present a compelling candidate.

Aware of this precarious situation, Hichilema will likely do everything in his power to halt the PF’s momentum. Nevertheless, it appears that, for now, the toothpaste is already out of the tube. No wonder the UPND is now retreating to the tactics of pre 1990 “one-party regime”—forcing civil servants, school children, and ordinary people to attend its political rallies!

New Dawn for Zambia: Justice Minister Announces Constitutional Changes

Lusaka, March 26, 2025 – Justice Minister Princess Kasune has laid out a comprehensive roadmap for Zambia’s long-awaited constitutional amendments, signaling a decisive shift towards equity, accountability, and governance efficiency.

Outlined in Parliament today, the reform agenda anchored in the UPND’s 2021-2026 Manifesto seeks to address systemic imbalances in resource allocation, political representation, and electoral processes. The amendments, expected to shape Zambia’s democratic trajectory, will undergo public scrutiny before their finalization on July 25, 2025.

With Parliament leading the charge, the process kicks off immediately, beginning with today’s update, an Electoral Commission report on April 22, drafting from April 23 to May 20, and public consultations from May 21 to June 21. The phased approach aims to ensure broad-based participation, reinforcing transparency and inclusivity.

Among the key reforms proposed are constituency delimitation for fairer CDF distribution, guaranteed parliamentary seats for women, youth, and persons with disabilities, and the elimination of costly by-elections which have drained K264 million since 2021. Other changes include harmonizing MPs’ terms, reintegrating lawmakers into councils, and closing legal loopholes affecting ministerial tenure, petitions, and electoral procedures.

The full official statement follows

Justice Minister Princess Kasune Unveils Constitutional Roadmap for a Fairer and More Equitable Zambia

Lusaka – The Honourable Minister of Justice, Princess Kasune, MP, today announced a roadmap for constitutional amendments, presented to Parliament on behalf of the UPND New Dawn Administration. Rooted in the UPND 2021-2026 Manifesto, these changes prioritize equity and inclusion and have been repeatedly advocated by a cross-section of our people.

We’re tackling long-overdue issues—ensuring resources like the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) reflect constituency size and population, not just uniform allocation, addressing disparities where some areas rival European nations in scale yet receive the same as smaller ones. These changes will ensure women, youth, and differently-abled citizens have a guaranteed voice in Parliament and cut wasteful by-election costs, which have amounted to K264 million since 2021.

Since July 2024, the Electoral Commission of Zambia’s Technical Committee—comprising political parties, churches, academia, youth groups, and eminent persons—has gathered stakeholder views, reinforcing these non-contentious reforms.

The bill will be gazetted for 30 days, giving every Zambian the opportunity to take part and shape these reforms.

Hon. Princess Kasune outlined key changes:

Constituency Delimitation: Amend Articles 58 & 68 to redraw boundaries for equitable CDF distribution by size and population.

Candidate Resignation: Amend Article 52(6) to proceed with elections if a candidate resigns, avoiding fresh nominations.

Enhanced Representation: Amend Articles 47(2) & 68 to guarantee seats for women, youth, and persons with disabilities.

MPs in Councils: Amend Article 153(2) to reintegrate MPs into local councils for development synergy.

Election Petition Clarity: Amend Articles 73(2), 101(5), & 103(2) to determine petitions within 90 or 14 days.

By-Election Reform: Amend Article 57 to end party vacancy by-elections, saving K264 million plus K3.9 million per candidate.

Nominated MPs Increase: Amend Article 68(2)(b) to raise nominated MPs beyond eight, as set by Parliament.

MP Term Harmonization: Amend Articles 81 & 266 to fix Parliament’s term at five full years.

Ministers’ Vacancy: Amend Article 116 to vacate ministerial offices 90 days pre-election to curb misuse.

Mayor Term Limits: Amend Article 154(2)(b) to remove the two-term cap for mayors.

Secretary to Cabinet: Amend Article 176(3) to lower experience from 10 to 5 years for eligibility.

Attorney-General Continuity: Amend Articles 178(1)(b) & 179(4)(b) to retain officials until new appointments.

Child/Adult Definitions: Amend Article 266 to clarify “child” as under 18 and “adult” as 18+.

The Noose Tightens: Zambia’s Descent Into Authoritarianism

The Noose Tightens: Zambia’s Descent Into Authoritarianism

By Kangwa Siloka – Poet and SP member

Lusaka, Zambia – The police summons arrived like a late-night knock at the door ominous in its vagueness, terrifying in its implications. Dr. Fred M’membe, the Socialist Party president whose razor-sharp critiques have made him Public Enemy Number One in the eyes of Zambia’s ruling elite, was to present himself at Police Headquarters. No charges. No explanations. Just the unmistakable message: We can reach you whenever we choose. or another cold, bureaucratic language of state power flexing its muscle: “You won’t be kept longer than is absolutely necessary.”

Then, in a move as predictable as it was cynical, the state blinked. The interrogation was postponed indefinitely not canceled, not abandoned, but left hanging like a sword over M’membe’s neck. A psychological game perfected by regimes across the continent: the threat of arrest is often more paralyzing than the arrest itself.

A Well-Worn Playbook

This is not governance it is theater. Bad theater at that. The UPND administration under Hakainde Hichilema has mastered the art of democratic backsliding while maintaining plausible deniability. Summon. Intimidate. Release. Repeat. The goal is not to convict but to exhaust to drain opposition figures of resources, morale, and public sympathy through endless legal harassment.

The numbers tell a damning story. Since 2021, over 37 opposition members and activists have been arrested under dubious circumstances, according to the Zambian Human Rights Commission. Charges are rarely sustained in court, but the process itself becomes the punishment a tactic borrowed from the very PF regime Hichilema once condemned. The irony is as thick as the smoke over Lusaka’s shantytowns.

The Anatomy of a Crackdown

What makes M’membe’s case particularly revealing is its timing. The Socialist Party has been gaining ground in urban strongholds, its message of wealth redistribution resonating with a population crushed by austerity measures. When political opposition grows too loud, the state reaches for its favorite tools:

  1. The Bureaucratic Noose – Endless rescheduling of court dates and interrogations to keep opponents in legal limbo
  2. The Financial Stranglehold – Tying up resources in legal defenses while starving campaigns of funding
  3. The Spectacle of Force – Public arrests designed to send a message to would-be dissenters

This is how democracies die, not with a bang, but with a thousand bureaucratic whimpers.

The Ghosts of Past Regimes

Hichilema’s greatest failure is that he has become what he once despised. The man who spent years in courtrooms fighting trumped-up treason charges now presides over a system that uses the same playbook against his critics. M’membe’s invocation of Bemba proverbs cuts deep because it exposes this hypocrisy: “Icikutilwe tacumfwa ndibu”—the idiot doesn’t hear the warning bell.

History shows that regimes which criminalize opposition inevitably collapse under the weight of their own paranoia. From Kaunda’s one-party state to Chiluba’s selective prosecutions, Zambia has seen this script before. The difference today? The tools of repression are more sophisticated, the international community more distracted, and the economic stakes higher.

In his statement, M’membe invoked a Bemba proverb: “Mweo wa muntu, waba mu kutwi”—the life of a person is in the ear. To listen is to survive; to ignore wisdom is to invite destruction. It was a pointed message to President Hichilema, a man who once stood where M’membe stands now hounded by the state, persecuted for his beliefs.

But power has a way of distorting memory. The same Hichilema who once decried the abuse of state machinery under Edgar Lungu now presides over a regime that employs the same tactics. The frog who refused to listen, as the proverb warns, bursts its eardrum.

The Coming Storm

Make no mistake this postponement is not mercy. It’s the calm before the storm. The Socialist Party’s call for supporters to stand down is prudent but precarious. Every day the sword remains unsheathed is another day of self-censorship, of activists looking over their shoulders, of journalists weighing each word.

Yet in this darkness, there are embers of resistance. The very fact that M’membe could publicly shame the regime speaks to cracks in the facade. The growing international scrutiny, the restless youth population, the economic discontent these are forces even the most sophisticated authoritarian playbook cannot contain forever.

As Zambia teeters on the edge, one truth becomes self-evident: when a government fears its people more than its people fear the government, the endgame has already begun. The question is not if the reckoning will come, but how much of Zambia’s soul will be left when it does.

In the grand theater of repression, every postponed interrogation is an admission of fear. And in that fear, the people may yet find their power.

Tonse Alliance Challenges Constitutional Court Ruling on Lungu’s Eligibility

Tonse Alliance Challenges Constitutional Court Ruling on Lungu’s Eligibility

The Tonse Alliance filed in a petition before the Constitutional Court seeking to overturn the court’s December 2024 ruling that barred former President Edgar Chagwa Lungu from contesting future presidential elections.

The alliance argues that the court’s decision in the Michelo Chizombe case was unconstitutional, legally flawed, and inconsistent with its own precedents. The petition seeks to clear the way for Lungu’s potential candidacy in the 2026 general elections.

Below is the full statement:


Tonse Alliance Statement on the Filing of a Petition Regarding the Eligibility of Dr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu to Contest Future Presidential Elections

Liberty House, 25th March 2025

  1. The Tonse Alliance confirms that this morning, we successfully filed a petition before the Constitutional Court of Zambia regarding the eligibility of Dr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu to contest future presidential elections.
  2. The petition seeks the court’s intervention to overturn its ruling of 10th December 2024 in the Michelo Chizombe case, where the court declared Dr. Lungu ineligible to stand for future presidential elections. Our petition is based on three key grounds:
1. The Court Contravened the Constitution
  1. Our petition argues that the Michelo Chizombe decision violates Article 52(4) of the Constitution, which prohibits courts from determining a candidate’s eligibility unless they have already filed their nomination with the Electoral Commission. This principle was upheld in the Christopher Shakafuswa case (2018), where the court declined to rule on Shakafuswa’s eligibility for mayor since he had not yet filed his nomination.
    • Despite this precedent, the Constitutional Court proceeded to rule on Lungu’s eligibility in December 2024 even though he has not yet submitted his nomination for the 2026 elections.
    • This constitutes a clear breach of the Constitution and an unexplained departure from the court’s own jurisprudence.
2. The Judgment Was Per Incuriam (Made in Error)
  1. The Michelo Chizombe decision is legally flawed because the court failed to consider Article 267(3)(b) and (c) of the Constitution. Had these provisions been applied, the court would not have reached its conclusion that Lungu is ineligible.
    • The judgment is therefore per incuriam (rendered in error due to overlooking critical law).
3. The Court Misrepresented Its Own Precedents
  1. In its December 2024 ruling, the Constitutional Court claimed it was overturning its previous decisions in the Legal Resources Foundation and Dr. Dan Pule cases because it had not considered Sections 2 and 7 of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 1 of 2016.
    • However, a review of those judgments shows that the court did reference these sections (pages J35, J45, J70-J71).
    • There was, therefore, no valid legal basis for the court to abandon its earlier rulings.
Conclusion
  1. As the Tonse Alliance, we are confident that our petition will be considered expeditiously. Clarity on this matter is crucial so that Dr. Lungu can resume his campaigns in preparation for the 2026 elections. We remain committed to uplifting the well-being of the Zambian people beyond 2026.

Issued by:
Sean E. Tembo (SET)
PeP President & Tonse Alliance Spokesperson
Lusaka, Zambia