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Sunday, May 25, 2025
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US CPI surprises to the downside – but bond market still calls the shots

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US inflation came in softer than expected in April – but that hasn’t changed who’s really in charge.

That’s the assessment from Nigel Green, CEO of global financial advisory giant deVere Group, following Tuesday’s Consumer Price Index report, which shows headline inflation at 2.3% year-on-year, just below expectations of 2.4%.

Core inflation remains stubborn at 2.8%, and the monthly data shows renewed momentum: core prices rose 0.3% in April, triple the prior month’s gain.

“This is a bond market story,” says Nigel Green. “Even with the headline CPI coming in slightly softer, the core reading is sticky, and that keeps yields elevated. This is why Trump blinked on tariffs.”

The White House confirmed on Monday a deal struck in Geneva that will see US tariffs on Chinese goods drop from 145% to 30%, with China reciprocating by cutting its own duties from 125% to 10%.

“This isn’t about geopolitics — it’s about yields. Trump is trying to avoid stoking inflation further because the bond market is making the consequences crystal clear,” explains Nigel Green.

“With 10-year Treasury yields hovering near 4.5%, financial conditions are already tightening. Add aggressive tariffs into that mix and you risk tipping the economy into deeper volatility.”

Markets are now reassessing the outlook for rate cuts. While the softer headline number offers some relief, the underlying price pressures and elevated services inflation make premature easing unlikely.

“Trump is not steering markets — he’s reacting to them,” says Nigel Green.

“This presidency is being shaped by the bond market. Every move out of Washington is now filtered through the lens of how investors are likely to respond.”

The implications for portfolios are immediate. Sticky inflation and strong services pricing mean tighter financial conditions are set to persist. Growth stocks are under pressure again, while defensives and value sectors are gaining traction. The dollar remains firm, reflecting expectations that rates will stay higher for longer.

“This is why sitting in cash is dangerous,” says the deVere CEO. “You don’t wait for clarity when the environment is changing in real time. Markets move fast — and so must investors.”

deVere warns that although the April headline figure offered a brief reprieve, the persistent rise in core prices, rising energy costs, firm shelter inflation, and sticky services components all reinforce a hawkish stance in fixed income.

“Trump wants to spend more, raise tariffs, and somehow still get lower interest rates,” notes Nigel Green. “But the bond market isn’t buying it — and it’s already forcing changes to his agenda.”

The Geneva tariff deal should not be seen as a pivot to moderation, deVere stresses, but as a sign that economic realities are already shaping political decisions.

“Trump is learning quickly that the bond market doesn’t blink,” Nigel Green concludes. “And this won’t be the last time it forces his hand.

“For investors, the lesson is clear: stay diversified, stay invested, and respect the power of the market to rewrite the political script.”

US-China tariff truce will reset investor expectations: deVere CEO

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A temporary easing of trade tensions between the United States and China announced on Monday will set global financial markets in motion, offering a rare and welcome jolt of optimism after months of uncertainty.

This is the analysis from Nigel Green, CEO of global financial advisory giant deVere Group, following details of a breakthrough struck in Geneva that will see US tariffs on Chinese imports drop from 145% to 30%, while China will cut duties on American goods from 125% to 10%.

Though the agreement is limited to a 90-day period, its implications are far-reaching—providing space for businesses to regroup, and for markets to reprice risk and reward in real time.

“Markets move fast—and they’re going to be racing ahead of previous assumptions,” says Nigel Green.

“This truce opens the door to renewed trade flows, softer inflation pressures, and stronger company earnings, especially in sectors that were bearing the brunt of the tariff war.”

Asia led the early charge, with the Nikkei and Hang Seng both climbing sharply. Futures in Europe and the US followed suit, while commodity prices and emerging market currencies strengthened.

“Capital is coming off the sidelines, and investors are rotating back into equities with exposure to global trade, logistics, and manufacturing,” notes the deVere chief executive.

The shift in tone follows another key development: a US-UK trade agreement announced just 24 hours earlier.

While the US held its 10% tariff line, the UK reduced its duties on American goods to 1.8%, down from 5.1%. The deal also opens greater access for US exporters, adding to the sense that the administration is turning its focus toward rebuilding relationships rather than fracturing them further.

Crypto markets have surged in parallel. Bitcoin broke back above $100,000 for the first time since February and Ether soared over 14%, propelled by revived investor risk appetite. These are not isolated spikes—they are part of a broader pivot away from defensiveness and toward opportunity.

“This kind of coordinated tariff relief, even if temporary, changes the investment landscape,” says Nigel Green.

“It clears a path for businesses to recalibrate their outlook, and for markets to rally on something more than just hope.”

But the optimism comes with conditions. The 90-day horizon leaves little time for real progress if deeper disagreements persist.

Issues like tech access, subsidies, and security remain unresolved. A reversion to higher tariffs would be a major setback, so investors should watch the next round of talks closely.

Even so, this temporary reprieve may be just enough to tip sentiment.

“As equity markets claw back ground lost earlier this year, sectors tied to trade—autos, semiconductors, energy, and industrials—look set to benefit the most. Companies that derive a significant share of revenue from cross-border activity could enjoy a welcome uplift to margins and forward guidance.

“Inflation may also cool as tariffs on consumer and intermediate goods fall. That in turn could give central banks more leeway to hold or even ease rates, strengthening the case for risk assets over the coming months.

“Investors who have remained disciplined through the volatility are now seeing the payoff,” explains the deVere CEO.

“We expect a continued rotation into risk and a push higher across global benchmarks, especially if trade momentum holds and fresh earnings data supports the current rebound.”

He concludes: “The truce may not last, of course—but it will certainly reignite market momentum.”

The $50 Million Wake-Up Call – Zambia Must Rethink Its Dependency and Embrace Self-Reliance

By Alexander Vomo

The recent announcement by the U.S. Embassy in Zambia to withhold nearly $50 million in health aid, due to the rampant theft of essential medications, including antiretroviral (ARV) drugs, is a national embarrassment, but more importantly, it is a clarion call for urgent reform.

For decades, Zambia has leaned heavily on international aid to sustain critical sectors such as health and education. But this latest development sends a stark message: donor patience is not infinite. When life-saving medicines are looted from hospitals and diverted into black markets, the trust of our international partners erodes and so does our moral standing.

But Zambia does not need to live in aid dependency.

This country is rich, not in theory, but in fact. Beneath our soil lie resources that could not only sustain but transform our economy if well-managed. Zambia is home to some of the world’s most valuable minerals, including:

• Copper – Our flagship export, in global demand for electric vehicles and infrastructure.

• Cobalt – A strategic resource in the clean energy transition.

• Gold, Emeralds, and Sugilite – Highly sought-after on global gemstone markets.

• Manganese, Nickel, Lead, Zinc, and Diamonds – All with high commercial value.

With this kind of wealth, Zambia should be funding its own healthcare systems, not depending on foreign taxpayers to provide essential medicines to our people.

This is a moment for serious national reflection. The fight against corruption cannot remain rhetoric. It must be actioned with measurable consequences. We must demand transparency and accountability, especially in public procurement, mining revenue management, and service delivery.

Moreover, we must move beyond the export of raw minerals and embrace value addition so that we retain wealth within our borders. Our minerals must not enrich others while our people remain in poverty and our hospitals run dry.

This is no longer just a political issue, it is a matter of national survival and dignity.

Let the suspension of U.S. aid be the final alarm bell. Zambia must wake up, get serious about corruption, and finally begin to build a future that is financed by our own resources, governed by our own integrity, and sustained by our own innovation.

We owe it to ourselves. We owe it to the generations yet to come.

Alexander Vomo is a Zambian entrepreneur, farmer, and advocate for self-reliance and sustainable development. He is a member of a growing movement encouraging African youth to take leadership in agriculture, governance, and economic transformation.

Government Cracks Down on Theft of Medicines

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The Government has intensified its crackdown on the theft and mismanagement of medicines in public health institutions, with 75 individuals arrested and 27 already convicted, following an extensive forensic audit into the country’s health supply chain.

In a joint press briefing, Minister of Home Affairs and Internal Security Hon. Jack Mwiimbu, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Hon. Mulambo Haimbe, and Minister of Health Hon. Elijah Muchima provided updates on the audit’s findings and the government’s response to the theft of medicines and medical supplies.

Minister Jack Mwiimbu revealed that 401 facilities across the country had been raided as part of ongoing investigations. These operations led to the arrest of 75 individuals for offences under the Medicines and Allied Substances Act and the Penal Code.

“Out of those arrested, 27 individuals have already been convicted and fined in accordance with the penalties prescribed by the mentioned laws,” said Mwiimbu.

He also disclosed that five of the arrested individuals were linked to the Ministry of Health, indicating the existence of a coordinated syndicate involved in the systematic theft of government medicines.

In a further blow to public confidence, Mwiimbu announced that three former Directors of the Zambia Medicines and Medical Supplies Agency (ZAMMSA) had been arrested for disregarding procurement procedures between January 2023 and December 2024. The result was wasteful expenditure and the acquisition of medicines that did not meet the required 80 percent shelf-life standard.

The directors, now released on police bond, are expected to appear in court soon, and their case has been submitted to the National Prosecution Authority.

The Office of the Auditor General, in collaboration with PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), has completed a forensic audit into the theft of medicines across public institutions. The findings have been handed over to the security wings.

“With the conclusion of the report, Zambians should expect more arrests. There will be no sacred cows,” Minister Mwiimbu assured the public.

Speaking at the same event, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Hon. Mulambo Haimbe called for decorum in international engagements, reminding all stakeholders of the importance of adhering to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of 1961.

“Government values its partnership with cooperating partners. However, diplomatic norms must be respected, and official channels must be used when raising concerns,” Haimbe stated.

He reiterated that the Zambian Government is open to engagement but expects diplomatic communication to be carried out with mutual respect and regard for sovereignty.

Rodger Chongwe: who was he?

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By Sishuwa Sishuwa

One of Zambia’s legal giants, Rodger Masauso Alivas Chongwe, died on Tuesday this week aged 86. Born in Chipata on 2 October 1938, Chongwe attended primary school in the same district before he went to St Marks in Southern Province for his junior secondary school education. He then proceeded to Munali in Lusaka where he completed his secondary school education after which he secured a job as a court clerk in Kabwe. Afterwards, he was promoted and transferred to Lusaka as a native court assistant. Just before independence in February 1963, Chongwe was awarded a scholarship to study law in Australia where he met his future wife, Gwenda Fay Eaton (married in 1967), with whom he bore two children, a son named Njalikwa who is a ceramic artist and Wajipha, a daughter who specialises in hospitality or hotel management.

Chongwe returned to Zambia in January 1969 as a qualified lawyer and went on to have a very successful legal career over the next two decades. Initially, he worked as an assistant solicitor at Martin and Company, a legal firm where he rose to the position of Partner in late 1969. He left to establish with another lawyer named Mwisiya a firm named after the two lawyers, Mwisiya Chongwe and Company, in 1970, and remained there until 1977 when he set up his own firm, Rodger Chongwe and Company. Chongwe had a very successful private legal career under the one-party state and gained great recognition in the legal world.

In Zambia, he was elected president of the Law Association of Zambia, which regularly held the government to account on governance and human rights concerns. But he was also highly regarded internationally. For instance, his peers on the continent elected him president of the African Bar Association. Beyond Africa, Chongwe was later in 1990 elected president of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association. So he was a real giant in the legal profession. It was because of his outstanding achievements and standing in the legal world that President Kaunda conferred on him the rank of State Counsel (SC). This was at a time when lawyers did not have to apply to the President to have the status of SC conferred on them, the way it is done today. One’s exemplary works in the legal field spoke for them and presidents simply confirmed what everyone else knew, unlike the way the case is today when that honour has lost its meaning since presidents confer it on partisan or political considerations.

Chongwe’s career in the public service took off in earnest after the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) won the 1991 election. Chongwe was elected member of parliament for Mandevu in Lusaka. President Frederick Chiluba appointed him Minister of Legal Affairs at a time when he was still president of the African Bar Association. Chongwe was a good example of the many individuals in Chiluba’s first cabinet for whom joining politics or public service was truly a sacrifice. In recent years, those who have ended up in politics and as ministers are mainly individuals for whom that title is their main achievement and source of income. Not Chongwe’s generation. The individuals who filled up Chiluba’s first cabinet, to which Chongwe was a great example, were already successful in their fields before going into public service and had sufficient levels of formal education, leadership experience, distinguished track records, and proven competences or skills which they brought to the government.

In addition to Chongwe, there were others such as vice-president Levy Mwanawasa, Guy Scott (Minister of Agriculture, Food and Fisheries), Ronald Penza (Commerce, Trade and Industry), Emmanuel Kasonde (Finance), Ben Mwila (Defence), Akashambwatwa Mbikusita Lewanika (Science and Technology), Vernon Mwaanga (Foreign Affairs), Gen Christon Tembo (Tourism), Arthur Wina (Education), Humphrey Mulemba (Mines), Newstead Zimba (Home Affairs), Baldwin Nkumbula (Sports), Godfrey Miyanda (Minister Without Portfolio), Ludwig Sondashi (Labour and Social security, Andrew Kashita (Transport and Communications), Boniface Kawimbe (Health), and Stan Kristofer, a Yugoslav-born Zambian who was appointed Minister of Information.

Chongwe remained Minister of Legal Affairs until August 1993 when Chiluba transferred him to the Ministry of Local Government in the same capacity. He stayed in the role for about two years until 1995 when he resigned in protest against rampant corruption, undemocratic tendencies and human rights violations under the Chiluba regime. His resignation demonstrated his loyalty to principle as well as his refusal to be bound by the principle of collective responsibility on issues that he did not agree with. He was one of a number of senior Cabinet officials who resigned from cabinet on principle at different intervals during Chiluba’s presidency. Others included Mwanawasa, Sondashi, Akashambatwa Mbikusita Lewanika, Simon Zukas, Dipak Patel, and Baldwin Nkumbula.

After he left government, Chongwe formed an opposition party, Liberal Progressive Front on whose ticket he hoped to challenge Chiluba in the 1996 election. After former president Kaunda, who had retired from politics after his defeat in 1991, made a political comeback in 1995, Chiluba panicked, fearing potential defeat to his predecessor. As a result, the MMD administration passed a constitutional amendment that effectively barred Kaunda from standing in the 1996 election. In response and in protest against Chiluba’s manoeuvres, Kaunda and the former governing party, the United National Independence Party, boycotted the election. In solidarity with the excluded Kaunda, Chongwe joined other opposition parties in boycotting the poll. Pitted against smaller opposition parties, such as the Zambia Democratic Congress under Dean Mung’omba, National Party under Humphrey Mulemba, Agenda for Zambia under Akashambatwa Mbikusita-Lewanika and the Movement for the Democratic Process under Chama Chakomboka, Chiluba easily retained power.

After the election, Chongwe remained in opposition politics and became chairperson of a 13-party alliance of opposition parties that started working together more closely. On 23 August 1997, in a move that highlighted the government’s increasingly violent suppression of civil liberties, police opened fire on a mass rally called by Chongwe’s opposition alliance, nearly killing him and founding president, Kaunda. Chongwe needed emergency surgery after the same bullet that wounded Kaunda hit him. Chongwe successfully sued the Zambian government in Australian courts and also took the matter to the United Nations Human Rights Committee. He was awarded about US$2.5m in compensation but successive Zambian administrations refused to pay him. It is unclear if he was paid this money before his death.

Three months after the attempted assassination on Chongwe and Kaunda, the government arrested several opposition leaders such as Kaunda, Mung’omba, and Princess Nakatindi Wina on allegations that they were connected to the unsuccessful military coup attempt against Chiluba in October 1997. The MMD falsely claimed that Chongwe had held two clandestine physical meetings with Kaunda at Sikota Wina’s home in Lusaka in October to plan for the coup, but evidence showed that Chongwe had left the country a month earlier and had not yet returned when the coup occurred. The government’s desperation to implicate him in the coup forced Chongwe to remain in exile in Australia from 1997 until March 2003 when he returned to Zambia under Mwanawasa’s presidency. Over the next 22 years, he kept out of public life though he occasionally took up public engagements such as in 2012 when President Michael Sata appointed him to chair the commission of inquiry that was appointed to investigate the Mongu 2011 deadly riots that happened over the Barotseland Agreement. Chongwe also participated in public discussion forums organised by News Diggers ahead of the 2021 elections on Zambia’s democratic backsliding.

At a time when many Zambians are dying en masse at a relatively young age, Chongwe lived until 86, thanks to a disciplined and intentional lifestyle and choices. His public career teaches us several lessons such as the value of formal education, the importance of family and community, the need to always defend democracy, the constitution and to remain loyal to one’s principles, the benefit of leading a clean life when in government (he faced no legal challenges resulting from his time in power after leaving public office), and that, perhaps, politics is not for everyone. In a way, and for all that was good that he gave to politics, Chongwe was messed up by politics, for his professional career would have continued rising had he stayed away from it. Overall, Zambia is richer for his having been one of its citizens.

Chongwe’s life teaches us to go to school; to find a job that give us a sense of purpose and satisfaction, ideally one that also makes the world a better place to live in; to find a partner whom we love, and who loves us back; to have children if both partners wish, who will grow into decent men and women because their parents are decent; and to make time for good friends – true, genuine friends rather than dozens of superficial acquittances.

It also challenges us to ask ourselves two important questions: What do I need to do to be ultimately satisfied that I have lived a good life? How can I make the greatest difference in areas that matter most?

White Afrikaaners Given Refufee Status By Trump Land in Washington

The South African Department of International Relations and Cooperation on Monday insisted that the group of 49 Afrikaners who left South Africa, heading to the United States under President Donald Trump’s offer, are not refugees.

On Monday morning, IOL reported that a chartered plane carrying 49 South African Afrikaners departed for the United States on Sunday night under Trump’s offer for the “discriminated” South African individuals and families to relocate.

The first batch of Afrikaner refugees left OR Tambo International Airport on a flight operated by the Tulsa, Oklahoma-based charter company Omni Air International, and are expected to land in Washington on Monday evening.

Speaking to broadcaster Newzroom Afrika, Chrispin Phiri, spokesperson for Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Ronald Lamola said the notion being peddled, that Afrikaners are being persecuted in South Africa, is false.

“We understand it is 49 people who have taken up the offer for refugee status in the United States. Just to be clear, the South African government unequivocally states that these are not refugees. In a country like ours, some of us went to schools where we were taught Afrikaans and by the way Afrikaans is still a medium of instruction and language in many of our schools,” said Phiri.

“We have judges, ministers, former mayors, we have streets named after Afrikaner heroes and Afrikaner nationals in the liberation context as well. To this day, you can drive on Voortrekker Street in any town in South Africa.

“This idea that Afrikaners are being persecuted is completely false, let alone the fact that Afrikaners are not just white people. There are also Africans who are Afrikaners so this is something that we have stated quite unequivocally, that we contest the status of them being refugees. But we also said we are not going to stand in the way,” he said.

The group of 49 left the country on their South African passports and the government in Pretoria said there is no intention to deprive them of citizenship.

Phiri however highlighted that once the individuals are accepted into the United States refugee system, they cannot be returned to South Africa by the US government – for any reason.

“Here is the difficulty, possibly for these individuals … if they accept refugee status in the United States and they are facilitated as refugees, the United States cannot return them to South Africa for whatever reason. They cannot be deported by the government of the United States,” said Phiri.

“They may self-deport themselves by coming back to South Africa but that will also mean they then renounce their refugee status in the United States. It is really a complex situation.”
IOL news

UPND Govt Pledges to Complete Previous Administration’s Projects, Prioritizing National Development

UPND Government Pledges to Complete Previous Administration’s Projects, Prioritizing National Development

The United Party for National Development (UPND) government has reaffirmed its commitment to completing development projects initiated by previous administrations, emphasizing that governance should prioritize service delivery over political differences. UPND Media Director Mark Simuuwe made the announcement during a media briefing in Lusaka, where he outlined the government’s stance on project continuity and highlighted key initiatives currently underway. Simuuwe stressed that abandoning viable projects simply because they were launched by a different administration would be counterproductive. “Governance is not about political rivalry; it is about ensuring that every investment made for the people of Zambia yields tangible benefits,” he said. This approach aligns with President Hakainde Hichilema’s broader agenda of fostering national unity and efficient resource utilization.

The UPND’s position has been welcomed by governance experts and civil society organizations, who argue that completing inherited projects prevents wastage of public funds and ensures sustained development. However, some stakeholders have called for increased transparency in project financing and execution to avoid past pitfalls, such as inflated costs and delays. Among the flagship projects being continued is the Kafulafuta Dam, a major water infrastructure initiative launched under the Patriotic Front (PF) government. Located in the Copperbelt Province, the dam is expected to provide clean drinking water to thousands of households while supporting agricultural and industrial activities. Simuuwe confirmed that the project remains a priority, with the government allocating additional funds to expedite its completion.

To address persistent water shortages in mining towns, the UPND administration has injected funds into Nkana Water and Sanitation Company to replace outdated pipelines, reducing water losses and improving supply reliability, and Mulonga Water and Sanitation Company for the construction of new reservoirs and pumping stations, expanding coverage to underserved areas. These upgrades are critical for communities that have long struggled with erratic water supply, particularly in high-density neighborhoods. Beyond water infrastructure, the UPND government is also advancing several other high-impact projects initiated by past administrations, including the Kafue Bulk Water Project designed to supply over one million Lusaka residents with clean water. This project was a cornerstone of the PF’s urban water security plan, and the UPND has pledged to finalize remaining phases, including pipeline expansions and treatment plant upgrades, to alleviate the capital’s chronic water shortages.

Key road projects, such as the Lusaka-Ndola Dual Carriageway and the Chingola-Solwezi Road, are being prioritized to improve connectivity and boost trade. These highways, once completed, are expected to reduce travel time, enhance road safety, and stimulate economic activity in mining and agricultural regions. Several district hospitals and health posts, including the Mansa General Hospital Modernization Project, are being fast-tracked to improve healthcare access. The UPND has committed to ensuring these facilities are fully operational, addressing gaps in medical service provision.

Economic analyst Dr. Mwaba Mwila praised the government’s stance, stating, “Continuity in development projects is essential for economic stability. Zambia cannot afford to discard half-finished infrastructure due to political transitions.” However, transparency advocates urge stricter oversight. “While completing these projects is commendable, audits must be conducted to ensure value for money and prevent corruption,” said Beatrice Grillo, Executive Director of the Zambian Governance Foundation. The UPND’s approach signals a shift from past practices where projects were often abandoned when new administrations took office. By prioritizing completion, the government aims to maximize returns on public investments and deliver essential services without disruption. As these projects near completion, Zambians will be watching closely to see if the promises translate into improved living standards, particularly in water supply, transportation, and healthcare.

Man Jailed For Slapping a Man Who Touched His Wife’s Breasts

The Nchelenge Magistrate Court has sentenced a 28-year-old man to six months imprisonment with hard labour for slapping another man who touched his wife’s breasts.

Before Resident Magistrate Luckson Mbewe was Pardon Mpundu, who readily pleaded guilty to the offense of assault occasioning actual bodily harm (AOBH), contrary to section 248 of the penal code chapter 87 of the laws of Zambia.

Brief facts in the matter were that on 1st May, 2025 in Nchelenge district, Mpundu assaulted Richard Limbikani thereby causing him actual bodily harm.

State prosecutor, Kennedy Chimbali, narrated before court that on the material day, the duo was at a named bar when they picked a quarrel over Mpundu’s wife.

Mpundu told the court that he was forced to slap Limbikani because he touched his wife’s breasts.

“Your honour, the victim in this matter was touching my wife’s breast, no wonder I fought him,” Mpundu told the court.

In mitigation, Mpundu pleaded with the court for leniency adding that nobody will take care of his wife, who is currently pregnant, if he was given a custodial sentence.

President Hichilema Urges Zambians To Be Productive

President Hakainde Hichilema has called on all Zambians to be productive in order to promote trade and economic growth in the country.

President Hichilema said government will focus on supporting production by assisting consumers through helping producers.
The President said this today when he officiated at the thanksgiving service for God’s favour, good rain and farming season in the 2024/2025 rain season at the Anglican Cathedral of the Holy Cross in Lusaka.

He thanked farmers across the country for not losing hope even after the drought in the previous rain season.
“If we were all trading and no producers, what would be trading then? So, I want to encourage citizens to produce something, then we will encourage and promote trade because we would have produced,” he said.

The Head of State said the government has learnt many lessons from the drought that the country experienced during the 2023/2024 rain season.

Mr Hichilema said the diversification of energy production, embracing irrigation agriculture and managing farming fields effectively through productivity are some of the lessons learnt from the 2023/2024 rain season.

President Hichilema further urged all Zambians to utilise government programmes and facilities such as the Farmer Input Support Programme (FISP) and the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) as they are meant for them and the communities they come from.
“In that CDF, there are small amounts for agriculture grants and facilities for the community because CDF is money for the community. It is meant to drill a borehole for a church, an orphanage, a school or a clinic that can utilise the water to grow food to sustain the facility,” he explained.

The President also advised Zambians to reaffirm their trust and hope in God for He has always been faithful to them by providing them with all their needs.

He further thanked God for answering the Zambian people’s prayers for a good rain season and good harvest that the country has experienced in the last farming season.Additionally, President Hichilema called for unity in the country and to lean on the ‘One Zambia, One People motto, adding that the country will achieve more in unity than when divided.

“Let us work as a team, the church does its thing, farmers do their thing, finance people do their thing and by working together, we will deliver for our people and more importantly, let us love each other…love conquers everything,” he added.
He further wished all mothers in the country a happy Mother’s Day, which falls today.

And speaking earlier when giving a homily taken from the Book of Psalms 137 verses 1 to 4, a member of the United Church of Zambia Lusaka Presbytery, Todwell Siame, called on all Zambians to be responsible for the country in order to alleviate the devastating effects of climate change.

Bishop Siame said Zambians should be responsible for their country for it to sustain them as its citizens.
He further urged every farmer in the country not to give up on agriculture but remain hopeful because God answers prayers as he did this farming season.

Meanwhile, National Day of Prayer and Fasting National Chairperson, Venerable Sihubwa, gave a statement of purpose saying the day was special as Zambia chose to be a thankful nation.

Reverend Sihubwa explained that a thanks giving ceremony closes a season and opens a new one.
Rev. Sihubwa has since urged the nation to be thankful noting that criticism kills the spirit of a nation.
He further disclosed that this year’s National Day of Prayer will be held at the Heroes Stadium to celebrate its 10th anniversary since the country started observing it.

Among those in attendance at the service were Vice President Mutale Nalumango and her husband, First Lady Mutinta Hichilema, Cabinet Ministers and the members of the clergy from different church denominations.

Why the Thefts Can’t be Stopped

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By Chanda Chisala

Think about it. The biggest economy in the world, the USA, does not give universal free healthcare to its people because they say it’s too expensive for the economy to handle. As great as its economy is, there is not enough wealth to provide free healthcare without incurring a monumental cost. If they did this, it would bring their economy down to its knees because their taxes would have to become too high.

Zambia and many other African countries, on the other hand, promise free healthcare (including free drugs) to their citizens, despite being the poorest countries in the world. How do they manage to do that? The only way is by begging other countries to send them the drugs for free, and even to pay the salaries of their healthcare workers. Besides this, they also have to keep their taxes very high, which makes it even harder for them to create jobs, thus continuing the need for them to remain dependent on aid.

Unfortunately, many African elites who are now saying that Africa should stop receiving this aid and become “self-dependent,” are also the same people who support the costly system of our poor government giving out free things. But if you want free things, where do you expect the money to come from since the taxable productive sector is so small? This is the question that people never think about. They want to have their cake and eat it too.

The argument that there are European countries that manage to do this only betrays ignorance. These European countries first became very wealthy, with a large productive sector, before they started giving out free things to their people, which is why they do not beg other countries for their drugs. On top of this, these countries also spend a lot of money to try to ensure that there is no theft in such systems – money that African countries just don’t have. It is no wonder that even these European countries have been complaining that this system is unsustainable and could push their countries to bankruptcy.

African countries are the least able to survive the destructive costs of this expensive socialist system, but they are the ones who are the most enthusiastic about embracing it. Politicians in government boast about expanding this system, and opposition politicians promise to spend even more. None of them seem to really realize just how poor Zambia is!

The reason I don’t support America ending aid to Zambia is simply because they are the ones who have encouraged and supported this self-destructive system for a long time and they are only walking away after they have helped entrench it into the very DNA of Zambia and other poor countries that they have made dependent on aid.

For Zambia to survive without this aid, it would have to make a radical change both structurally and intellectually. Even the people who are saying we should just stop receiving aid are not prepared to accept that we cannot afford free healthcare or free education or any of these other expensive subsidies.

Neither can we ever manage to stop the thefts happening in these government ministries because the same socialist system keeps increasing poverty, which makes any donated (or tax-collected) money an obvious target for the wide network of thefts. The cost of monitoring and prosecuting these thefts will likely be even higher than the thefts themselves. And even if the US donated money to help our government monitor this aid, that money will also be stolen!

The UPND government should realize that the thefts won’t stop. They may have replaced PF people with their own people, but they can’t replace human nature with angelic nature. If even Mwanawasa himself, the most serious anti-corruption president, failed to stop these thefts, it’s a joke to think that anyone else will stop them. What has to be uprooted is the system itself: stop giving anything for free and turn these hospitals into privately managed for-profit entities. At the same time, radically cut the taxes for all businesses and employees in the country (to single digits), so that true productivity may grow quickly enough for people to have enough money to pay for their own healthcare and education.

Recent Articles from the Author:

The US is Wrong to Withdraw Aid

Are UPND and Opposition Both Trying to Lose Elections?

Who Was the Worst President of Zambia?

How to End Zambia’s Poverty

Hichilema Should Have Implemented Sata’s Idea

President Hichilema is a Good Man, But His Policies Can’t Fix the Economy

Should Zambia Really Return to Socialism?

The author, Chanda Chisala, is the Founder of Zambia Online and Khama Institute. He is formerly a John S. Knight Fellow at Stanford University and Visiting Scholar to the Hoover Institution, a policy think tank at Stanford. You can follow him on Facebook at https://www.facebook.com/chandachisala.

Why It’s Hard to Believe the US Embassy Report on Drugs in Zambia

By Steve Kabani

As of May 2025, Zambia has a total of 2,009 registered retail pharmacies (ZAMRA 2025). The recent US embassy report claims that 95% of these pharmacies roughly 1,909 outlets stocked stolen, US-funded life-saving drugs. On the surface, this statistic is alarming. But on closer inspection, it becomes deeply questionable, both in logic and evidence. Aforensic audit involving nearly 2,000 pharmacies assumes that all are operational and fully functional, which is unlikely. Many registered pharmacies may be inactive, non-compliant, or exist only on paper. Conducting such a massive audit without verifying operational status casts doubt on the credibility of the entire premise.

To begin with, we must ask: What are these US-funded life-saving drugs? These are identified as ARVs, TB drugs, and vaccines for under 5. These are not over the counter medications. They are strictly controlled commodities that are rarely, if ever, available in private retail pharmacies.

Which brings us to the next logical question: Who has ever seen ARVs, TB drugs, or under five vaccines sold in a retail pharmacy? For those who work in, own, or frequently visit these pharmacies, the answer is likely the same, almost no one. Speaking from personal experience in over 10 years in the sector, I have encountered only one customer asking for ARVs and even then, it was a specific South African brand not found in the public system.

ARVs, TB drugs, and under-five vaccines are never stocked in general hospital pharmacies either. Instead, they are housed in designated storage and dispensing areas most of which have been built or refurbished by US-funded NGOs. These areas are not only tightly monitored, often with CCTV surveillance, but also operate under strict protocols.

These medications are not accessed through individual prescriptions, but dispensed through SmartCare, a sophisticated real-time inventory and patient monitoring system that is designed to track the distribution and consumption of these drugs, and report that data directly to the donor agencies. Notably, approximately 60% of personnel in ART clinics are funded by the US agencies, further reinforcing the oversight on these commodities.

This raises a critical question: With such an airtight, donor controlled inventory system in place, how could these drugs be seeping into the retail market? It would require a massive, coordinated breach of a system that was purpose built to prevent exactly this kind of leakage. Moreover, if ARVs or TB drugs were indeed being siphoned off on such a large scale, the public health system would inevitably experience shortages.

Yet we have not. In fact, Zambia has never experienced a widespread stockout of ARVs or TB drugs in recent years. On the contrary, the country has made commendable progress, having achieved the ambitious 90-90-90 targets in most provinces: 90% of people with HIV knowing their status, 90% of those diagnosed on ARVs, and 90% of those on treatment achieving viral suppression. This would have been impossible if these drugs were being stolen and sold in private pharmacies, thereby making them inaccessible to the poor and vulnerable populations who rely on free treatment.

We must also consider the timing of this report. Just two months ago, the US abruptly halted its support to Zambia’s health sector a move widely condemned as baseless and harmful. One has to wonder: Is this report an attempt to retroactively justify that decision? Could it be that a reason is now being manufactured to fit an earlier political or diplomatic agenda?

In conclusion, the claims in the US embassy report are riddled with inconsistencies, logical flaws, and a glaring absence of evidence. Given the tight donor controlled drug distribution systems, the lack of public shortages, and Zambia’s continued progress in HIV treatment outcomes, it is difficult to accept that 95% of pharmacies were selling stolen donor drugs. Until a transparent, evidence-based investigation is presented, this report remains highly suspect and deeply troubling.

Message For Today : Think Yourself Happy

Today’s Scripture

“I think myself happy, King Agrippa, because today I shall answer for myself before you concerning all the things of which I am accused by the Jews.”
Acts 26:2, NKJV

Friend, after being in prison for two years on false charges, the apostle Paul was brought before King Agrippa for his trial. The first thing Paul said was, “King Agrippa, I think myself happy.” You would think he would see himself as a victim, be bitter and angry. But he shows us a secret of how to overcome all that. He said, “I think myself happy.” He was saying, “I consider myself fortunate to stand before you even though my accusers want me to be put to death.”

You can think yourself depressed, you can think yourself into a bad mood, and you can think yourself a victim. Or you can do as Paul did and say, “Yes, I’ve had a lot of difficulties. I could be sour and live discouraged, but I’m going to think myself happy.” As long as you’re thinking about your hurts, what you didn’t get, how you were left out, you’re going to be discouraged. Don’t replay the loss, the disappointment, or the failure. Start thinking faith-filled, positive, hopeful, uplifting thoughts. That’s what you’re going to draw in.

A Prayer for Today

“Father, thank You that I can set my mind to be happy today and to be my best because You made this day. Thank You that I can keep it set when I meet the challenges of this day that want to push me toward being a victim. I am going to keep thinking faith-filled thoughts that strengthen me within. In Jesus’ Name, Amen.”

President Hichilema Concludes Copperbelt Visit with Key Infrastructure Projects and Sporting Unity

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President Hakainde Hichilema concluded a working tour of the Copperbelt Province with a renewed call for unity, development, and national pride following a series of impactful engagements that highlighted Zambia’s economic ambitions, infrastructure expansion, and social cohesion.

Reviving Luanshya’s Mining Legacy

On Friday, President Hichilema visited the revitalized Luanshya Copper Mines, where he inspected the ongoing dewatering of Shaft 28. The President described the project as “a beacon of hope” for the people of Luanshya, noting that the mine, once fully operational, is expected to generate up to 3,000 direct jobs. This, he emphasized, will not only provide employment but also catalyze economic and social activity in the district.

“Our goal is to achieve an annual copper production of three million metric tonnes. With projects like these, we are confident that Zambia’s economic future is bright,” the President stated.

During a community engagement in Mpatamatu, President Hichilema expressed deep gratitude to the people of Luanshya and Zambia at large for their electoral support in 2021.

“We owe a debt of gratitude to the people of Mpatamatu, Luanshya, and Zambia for placing their trust in us during the 2021 elections. Our unwavering commitment is to work tirelessly to enhance their quality of life,” he said.

He highlighted ongoing government efforts to uplift citizens through free education, the resumption of meal allowances for students, expanded bursary programs, and youth employment opportunities.

“Our vision is clear: to deliver development and advance Luanshya—and Zambia—FORWARD,” President Hichilema emphasized.

Water Security for Masaiti and Beyond


Later that day, President Hichilema officially commissioned the Kafulafuta Water Supply System Project in Masaiti District. The long-delayed project—initially funded by an Exim Bank loan during the previous administration—was stalled due to Zambia’s past debt challenges. Following recent debt restructuring by the government, the project was completed and is set to benefit over 17,000 residents across Ndola, Luanshya, Masaiti, and Mpongwe.

“Access to clean and safe water is a fundamental human right,” the President said. “This project is a testament to our resolve to complete all infrastructure—regardless of when it was started—so long as it benefits our people.”

He added that the Kafulafuta Dam will also support broader economic initiatives such as irrigation and aquaculture. Citizens were further encouraged to obtain National Registration Cards (NRCs) to maintain eligibility for vital services such as FISP, educational bursaries, and employment programs.

In his address, the President reaffirmed the government’s unwavering stance against corruption. “Corruption deprives our citizens of critical resources that should drive our development,” he said, stressing that transparency and accountability remain central pillars of the New Dawn Administration.

On Saturday President Hichilema capped off his tour by attending the 2025 ABSA Cup final at Levy Mwanawasa Stadium in Ndola. The thrilling match saw Zesco United emerge victorious over Red Arrows, with the President praising both teams for their display of sportsmanship and talent.

“Football brings us together. It transcends political, tribal, and regional divides,” he said. The President also applauded ABSA Bank Zambia for its continued investment in Zambian sports, urging other private sector players to follow suit.

As he concluded the visit and returned to Lusaka, President Hichilema expressed heartfelt appreciation to the people of the Copperbelt for their hospitality.

“Thank you, ba Kopala, for your warm welcome. Together, we are building a Zambia that works for everyone,” he said.

Hichilema’s anti-corruption fight is a sham. Here is why

By Sishuwa Sishuwa

 

Corruption is thriving on a massive scale under President Hakainde Hichilema. The reason is simple. President Hichilema lacks any serious commitment and the political will to fight corruption in a meaningful way. Any effective or serious fight against corruption requires three crucial elements.

 

The first is supportive or empowering legislation. There will be no serious fight against corruption in Zambia as long as the law that establishes the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) is not amended to address its longstanding weaknesses. The Anti-Corruption Act is not equipped to fight corruption. It is so flawed that one must be out of one’s mind to accept an appointment to the board because there is nothing serious that they are going to do. The Act provides for the board and the director general to be appointed by the president. This is an anomaly because it makes those in the ACC management feel answerable to the president, not the board. This limitation helps explain why former ACC director general Gilbert Phiri and his successor, Thom Shamakamba, showed contempt for the Musa-Mwenye board because they knew that there was nothing that the board could do to them, even if they failed to discharge their responsibilities. This should not happen. The ACC should be an independent body that must not be under the supervision of the president — himself a prime candidate for high-level corruption.

 

What is needed is to empower the board to choose the director general and the deputy so that the management officials are answerable to the appointing authority: the board. The board itself should be made answerable to the National Assembly, not to the president. This can only be possible with amendments to the existing law. As it stands, the ACC board has no control over the ACC management. The board can neither discipline nor fire those in the executive leadership. If Hichilema was committed to fighting corruption, the president would have first changed the law to address these structural inadequacies that undermine the work of the board before he appointed a new board in January 2025 to replace the Musa Mwenye-led ACC board that he dissolved in panic after one of his presidential aides is said to have informed him that the anti-graft body was preparing to arrest Solicitor General Marshal Muchende. After all, such a change requires a simple majority in the National Assembly and can easily be passed by ruling party MPs alone. After three and half years in office, and with a sufficient majority in parliament, what excuse does Hichilema have for his failure to enact the necessary changes to the anti-corruption law?

 

Any president of Zambia who is committed to fighting corruption would also have no problem amending the law to increase the sentences for those convicted of corruption. Currently the law provides for very short sentences for corruption offences, generally ranging from two to five years. The net effect of this lack of stiffer punishments is that potential offenders feel emboldened to engage in acts of corruption because they know that even if they are convicted and sent to jail, it would not be long before they are out to enjoy the loot, stolen from poor Zambians. Again, if Hichilema had the will to fight corruption, the president would have changed the law to ensure that corruption offences attract a life sentence or a minimum of at least 20 years in prison. This would serve as an effective deterrent because potential offenders would know the huge cost to pay for being corrupt. Since Zambia’s experience shows that most of those who engage in high-level corruption are members of the executive, we may understand the reluctance by Hichilema to enact stiffer penalties for corruption as entirely self-serving or deliberate.

 

The second element of a successful strategy of fighting corruption is the presence in anti-corruption bodies of people with proven integrity. Individuals who are appointed to the ACC board and management positions should be professionals with a clear track record of fighting corruption. This explains why the appointment of Mwenye as ACC board chairperson was met with widespread approval, given his distinguished record of opposition to corruption. What successive Zambian presidents have done is to appoint pliable executive heads of the ACC and seemingly strong-minded individual board members who cannot effectively supervise the pliable heads because of the structural constraints cited earlier. This is the strategy that Hichilema has now perfected. In appointing highly regarded professionals like Mwenye to the ACC board, Hichilema’s objective was never to fight corruption — noticeable evidence suggests that the president retains an extraordinary fear for competent and independent-minded people and has a penchant for surrounding himself with “yes people” — but rather to hoodwink Western actors into believing that he is committed to fighting corruption by hoisting a strong board that is however rendered ineffective by legal constraints and a pliant ACC executive leadership.

 

This strategy might explain why Hichilema recently appointed Daphne Chabu, a member of the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND), as the ACC director general while giving a veneer of seriousness to the anti-graft campaign by appointing individuals with generally respectable characters such as governance activists Engwase Mwale and Nalucha Ziba as board members. Until her appointment, Chabu was permanent secretary in the Ministry of Lands. Successive surveys by Transparency International Zambia (TIZ) have shown that the most corrupt ministries in Zambia are health and lands. How does anyone who is serious about fighting corruption appoint a controlling officer from one of the country’s most corrupt ministries — and potentially a corruption suspect herself — to head an anti-corruption body? Given her well known political ties to both Hichilema and the ruling party, can the new ACC director general be expected to prosecute her fellow party members including ministers involved in corruption? Simply put, what anti-corruption credentials does Chabu have that made her a suitable choice for the role she has been assigned?

 

What is needed for a successful anti-corruption fight, in addition to structural reforms, is having non-partisan individuals with a proven commitment to anti-corruption and moral wealth of character in both the board and the executive roles of the ACC. The best way of finding or recruiting such talent is through an open and transparent system of appointment where vacancies on the ACC board or management are advertised and interested people are invited to apply. This way, only the most qualified, competent professionals, and individuals known to be committed to the fight against corruption will be hired into the commission. For this to happen, the government needs to first create a merit-based system that would provide for formal qualifications and requisite qualities that interested candidates must possess. This approach would allow anti-corruption bodies to fill existing vacancies only after a thorough interview and public vetting process in which the presidency is hardly involved. It is one that I have consistently advocated, even when it comes to the appointment of other public officials such as judges.

 

Again, if Hichilema had the will and commitment to fighting corruption, he would have first established such a system, as opposed to maintaining the status quo and packing the ACC with his loyalists. It is difficult to know what non-subjective criteria is used to identify the ACC board members and management leaders for appointment. Where, for instance, is the evidence that the individual members who were recently appointed by Hichilema to lead the ACC have, both in their personal and professional lives, the DNA that is required to fight corruption? What track record does retired supreme court judge Evans Hamaundu, who succeeded Mwenye as chairperson of the ACC board, have of fighting corruption? If Hichilema was serious about anti-corruption, he would have considered creating merit-based systems that would ensure that those who end up in bodies such as the ACC represent the best talent available for the roles. There is surely no shortage of competent, impartial, and professional Zambians who can serve both on the ACC board and in the executive.

 

Any person who agrees to serve on the ACC board, as currently constituted by law and despite their knowledge of the challenges that the Mwenye-led board encountered, is potentially corrupt. This is because they are, in effect, accepting to be drawing public funds in form of allowances for doing nothing meaningful. I know that board members get very little money, but the main issue is the principle, not the amount. How does any self-respecting professional accept an appointment to a role where they know — ignorance is an even more serious defect — that they cannot make any meaningful change because of structural limitations? What exactly are they going to do? The point is that even if the ACC board and management positions are filled with professionals of proven integrity, they cannot do much about the fight against corruption if the law remains unchanged. Anyone who is seriously committed to fighting corruption will first check the enabling law and, once they realise that the law sets them up to fail, respectfully decline the appointment.

 

The third element of a successful anti-corruption campaign is having a president who shows a clear or demonstrable will to fight past and especially present corruption. Such political will can be demonstrated in several ways. One is to strengthen anti-corruption laws. Two is to deal decisively with the corruption of their officials or associates including those in the inner circle. The other is leading by example. A brief review of Hichilema’s record over the last three and half years shows remarkable failure on all three examples. The president has not initiated any meaningful changes to the Anti-Corruption Act. Neither has he sought to align the Act with Article 216 of Zambia’s Constitution that provides for the guiding principles relating to commissions:

 

“A commission shall —

 

(a) be subject only to this Constitution and the law;

 

(b) be independent and not be subject to the control of a person or an authority in the performance of its functions;

 

(c) act with dignity, professionalism, propriety and integrity;

 

(d) be non-partisan; and

 

(e) be impartial in the exercise of its authority.”

 

Since the Anti-Corruption Act was enacted before the 2016 constitutional amendment, it should have been amended to bring it in line with these constitutional principles. Hichilema has failed to preside over such changes while some of the officials he has appointed to executive roles in the ACC have, in subordinating themselves to his authority and acting in a manner that conveys partisanship or partiality, shown a clear lack of respect for these constitutional principles.

 

Furthermore, Hichilema has failed to lead the anti-corruption fight using personal examples. The president, who boasts of extensive business interests in several sectors of Zambia’s economy, has refused to publicly declare his assets and liabilities as a show of his commitment to transparency and accountability. This makes it difficult to work out to what extent his policies are benefiting companies in which he has an interest. Hichilema and his supporters like arguing that there is no law that requires him to publish their declarations, but as the US ambassador to Zambia, Michael Gonzales, correctly noted recently, “Leadership is not about only doing the bare minimum that is absolutely required by law, but going beyond and doing what is right and needed to lead and shape reforms.” In any case, if Hichilema truly has the political will to fight corruption, and after three and half years in office, what exactly has stopped his administration from passing a law that would make assets declaration and publication — both for his office and other senior government officials — an annual requirement?

 

Hichilema has also shown an incriminating reluctance to dismiss ministers and other senior government officials accused of involvement in corruption. The recent decision by the United States to cut aid to Zambia’s health sector due to systematic theft of donated drugs and medical supplies does not come as a surprise. It is a culmination of Hichilema’s cavalier attitude towards corruption and his tolerance of high-level government officials who are involved in corruption. Recently, after Hichilema, having previously sold the country’s food reserves left by his predecessor, embarked on begging assignments, donors gave Zambia money to buy food and address the adverse effects of drought on food security. Hichilema’s officials bought maize from Tanzania at 40 percent more than the actual price. No senior government official has been dismissed from their position for this blatant corruption.

 

There are also several credible reports of ministers and other public officials who buy votes or use government resources to campaign for the ruling party in parliamentary or ward level by-elections. These include reports from civil society organisations such as TIZ and the Christian Churches Monitoring Group. None of the errant senior officials serving in Hichilema’s administration have to date been dismissed from their roles or prosecuted for this blatant abuse of authority of office — an offence under the Anti-Corruption Act. As Gonzales argued, “There must be consequences for individuals who abuse their public positions for personal gain. They must lose their jobs, their assets, and/or their freedom. The costs of corruption must exceed the financial gain if we are going to stem corrupt practices.”

 

Given this abbreviated history of Hichilema’s poor record on fighting corruption including in his government, it is fair to conclude that Hichilema is himself potentially corrupt. If there is anything that Hichilema has done well over the last three and half years, it is to throw away any pretence that he is serious about the fight against corruption. I just wish the president could go a step further and change the name of the Anti-Corruption Commission to the more appropriate Pro-Corruption Commission (PCC).

 

I repeat: Hichilema lacks serious or demonstrable political will to fight corruption. His strategy on this subject appears to be covering his tracks and hiding corruption. The president knows voters despise graft — a key reason they ejected his predecessor — and he is determined to prevent not so much corruption itself but the perception of it under his administration or among his senior officials. I made this point as early as two years ago when I noted that Hichilema’s anti-corruption fight was nothing but a sham. See here: https://africanarguments.org/2023/06/zambia-president-hichilema-five-point-plan-stay-power/…. At the time, not many people paid attention, perhaps because they wanted to give the President more time, while his vociferous supporters such as University of Zambia law lecturer O’Brien Kaaba and Privilege Hang’angu, a Senior Policy Advisor at the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, publicly rose – as they have repeatedly done to my criticism of Hichilema’s leadership actions – to his defence. See here: https://africanarguments.org/2023/06/the-zambia-president-hichilema-desperate-plan-to-stay-in-power-a-response-sishuwa/…

 

Well, there you have it!

Mzungu Alila: The Shortest Day in Zambia’s History

By Gregory Mofu

“Jesus wept.” — John 11:35
The shortest verse in the Bible. Yet, behind its brevity lies a depth of sorrow too heavy for words. Yesterday, Zambia lived its own version of that verse.

At a solemn press briefing in Lusaka, U.S. Ambassador to Zambia, Michael Gonzales, stood not just as a diplomat, but as a witness to a betrayal too painful to bear. As he announced the United States’ decision to slash K1.4 billion (US$50 million) worth of medical aid to Zambia, his eyes welled with tears. The image of a mzungu—a white man—shedding tears for Zambia became a piercing symbol of just how far we have fallen. Mzungu alila. A white person has cried.

And indeed, so should we all.

The aid cuts are not a matter of politics. They are about life and death. For the thousands living with HIV, battling tuberculosis, or fighting off malaria, this announcement means medicine shelves will run empty, clinics will turn away patients, and lives that could have been saved will be quietly lost in silence.

But these tears were not sudden. Ambassador Gonzales explained that since 2021, the U.S. government had uncovered massive theft in Zambia’s public health supply chain. Over 2,000 pharmacies were investigated—95% were selling stolen medical supplies. Nearly half of those stolen supplies had been donated by the American people, meant to be given freely to Zambians in need. The response from authorities? Silence, cover-ups, and token arrests of low-level individuals, while the real perpetrators remained protected.

How did we come to this? How did a nation that once stood as a beacon of democracy and hope become a place where even medicine for the dying is stolen for profit?

This is not just a funding crisis—it is a moral crisis. And the consequences will be devastating:
• Fewer antiretroviral drugs for HIV patients.
• Interrupted treatments for tuberculosis and malaria.
• A crippled healthcare system pushed further to its knees.
• A broken trust between Zambia and one of its longest-standing development partners.

Ambassador Gonzales’ tear was not just for stolen medicine—it was for stolen integrity, stolen lives, and a stolen future.

Now, Zambia must decide whether that tear will be ignored—or whether it will become the spark of reckoning and reform. Will we allow this to be remembered as the shortest day in our nation’s history, or the turning point?

The world is watching.
And Heaven, too, has already wept.