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Government Happy With Public Response On Constitution Roadmap

Chief Editor
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Government Happy With Public Response On Constitution Roadmap

Chief Government Spokesperson Cornelius Mweetwa says the government has received positive feedback from the public since the announcement of the proposed constitutional amendments by Minister of Justice, Princess Kasune, yesterday.

Mr Mweetwa states that the announcement of the proposed constitutional amendments has put to rest the propaganda which was being peddled that President Hakainde Hichilema wanted to increase the tenure of office to seven years.

“I would like to place here and now the government’s gratitude that ever since the Minister of Justice announced these proposed amendments to the Constitution most citizens have received these proposals well,” He said.

Mr Mweetwa who is also Minister of Information and Media disclosed during the media briefing that the government has no draft bill in place for amendment of the constitution as suggested by some sections of society.

The Minister explained that the proposed constitutional clauses for amendment presented to parliament yesterday by the Minister of Justice are not cast into stone but rather to give an opportunity for citizens and stakeholders to make comments as the government embarks on the journey of soliciting minimum consensus on possible constitutional amendments.

He explained that some of the clauses have been posing a challenge to the operations of government hence the need to amend the targeted clauses.

“Let me reiterate here that there is no draft bill for the amendment of the Zambian Constitution.”

Mr Mweetwa said it was necessary that the selected proposed clauses for amendments are addressed and pointed out that some clauses in the constitution have been causing administrative challenges in service delivery.

“It is necessary and expedient that they be addressed now because they are providing administrative challenges to the operations of government in a quest to provide the services for which this government was elected to save the people of Zambia,” He said.

Meanwhile, Mr Mweetwa says the number of seats that will be proposed to be added to the current 156 elective seats will be decided by the Electoral Commission for Zambia (ECZ ).

He emphasized during the media briefing, that it is the mandate of the ECZ to facilitate the periodic assessments of constituency delimitation and wards.

“This is one issue which I think is fairly straightforward, but that the number of seats that may be proposed to be added to the current 156 elective seats will be a function of the Electoral Commission for Zambia.”

Mr Mweetwa said the proposed delimitation is in inline with the constitutional requirement that ECZ is mandated by law.

Press release of ZCCM Defense Political interference at ZCCM-IH : Responses to economist Lubinda Haabazoka

Chief Editor
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Press release of ZCCM Defense Political interference at ZCCM-IH : Responses to economist Lubinda Haabazoka

1. Background
In our press release of 18 February 2025 (Appendix 1), we informed the Zambian people and ZCCM-IH stakeholders that serious interference was taking place within ZCCM-IH. This interference is clearly contrary to the country’s interests and is being orchestrated by IDC CEO Cornwell Muleya and Secretary to the Cabinet Patrick Kangwa. On 16 March 2025, we spoke of President Hichilema’s strong commitments to end political interference in the parastatals, but his fine promises have never been kept. (Appendix 2)

On 18 March 2024, economist Lubinda Hahaabazoka wrote the press release « Unfair Attack by Thierry CHARLES, The So-Called President of ZCCM Defense ». (Appendix 3).We therefore wish to respond to the inconsistencies, untruths, inaccuracies and blatant misunderstandings of this economist, and thus provide the Zambian people and ZCCM-IH stakeholders with information that will enable everyone to have an informed understanding of the situation.

2. ZCCM Defense
Lubinda Haabazoka discredits our defense association. Its founding General Assembly took place on 18 October 2024 in France under number W514004247, and I was elected President.For several decades, minority shareholders of the Zambian companies ZCCM and then ZCCM -Investments Holdings have held informal consultations to defend their interests as minority
shareholders of the company. The creation of the ZCCM Defense association is intended to officially formalize the defense of ZCCM-IH minority shareholders and, beyond that, the protection of the interests of local populations throughout the world, particularly in Zambia,against the actions of negligent, incompetent or corrupt managers, Directors or governments, or those of commercial or mining companies, or individuals not acting in the general interest.
Minority shareholders through ZCCM Defense now have the legal tools to take legal action in any jurisdiction. (Appendix 4)
3. Political interference
Lubinda Haabazoka criticises our discontentment with political interference:
« the company is majority-owned by the Zambian government, which means that government influence is both logical and necessary », « I find it very surprising that Mr. Charles can be shocked that the government has influence over ZCCM-IH. This company is owned by the Zambian people through the government. It would be irresponsible for the government not to have a say in its operations. »ZCCM-IH is listed on the Euronext, LuSE and LSE international markets. It is very surprising for an economist not to know that listed companies obey rules governed by Authority Bodies, that the rights and interests of minority shareholders must be preserved and that, consequently,political interference aimed at putting pressure on the Board and Management for purposes contrary to the interests of the company are formally prohibited. In addition, the latest SOEs policy reaffirms these basic principles.

His press release is surreal, and totally contradicts what Lubinda Haabazoka said less than two years ago in a joint interview with CTPD Researcher Elijah Mumba (Appendix 5) : the ZCCM-IH board independence was important as international investors needed to protect their investments and ZCCM-IH Board lacks autonomy. He emphasised on the need for ZCCM-
IH to be autonomy in its operations.

« The ZCCM-IH board needs to be totally autonomous, free from political interference while practicing high level of transparency in its operations to avoid driving away investors who may feel their investments are not safe in the mining sector » CTPD Elijah Mumba has added.We leave it to the Zambian people to judge Lubinda Haabazoka’s credibility in the face of such inconsistencies…

4. Mopani
Lubinda Haabazoka also wrote « When Mopani shares were given to ZCCM-IH, how much did the minority shareholders contribute? I missed that part and should be briefed ».Clearly, Lubinda Haabazoka has no knowledge of the ZCCM-IH case and is taking the liberty of casting unjustified aspersions on the minority shareholders… What is he talking about? He
seems to have no idea what a company’s shareholding structure is… When ZCCM was transformed into ZCCM-IH in 2000, ZCCM-IH kept 10% of the shares in Mopani and 90% were acquired by Carlisa Investments (owned by Glencore and First Quantum). None of the shareholders of the former ZCCM contributed anything, including minority shareholders and the
Zambian state, since the successful bidder’s proposal gave a 10 % interest of 5 % free carry and the other 5 % repayable from future dividends (Appendix 6) … Then, ZCCM-IH shares were sold to investors by the GRZ, a sale known as stage I of privatization. The price for each share naturally included the 10% of Mopani shares.

ZCCM-IH alone took on $1.5 billion in debt to acquire 90% of Mopani in 2021 at a staggering price on pressure of GRZ. Why did Dr Haabazoka not say anything about this overpaid,strangely badly negotiated amount, where former vice-presidente Inonge Wina even said that it was the deal of the year, when our company was on the verge of ruin because of the exorbitant interest charged by Glencore?

5. Silence or strange complacency
Lubinda Haabazoka presents himself as a great connoisseur of ZCCM-IH and the mining sector,and is supposedly promoting a return to the glory days of the past.

5.1 provisional liquidation of KCM
In May 2019, Lubinda Haabazoka met former President Edgar Lungu at State House and endorsed the action to place Konkola Copper Mines (KCM) on provisional liquidation.(Appendix 7) Given the situation over the last six years, it is clear that he had no vision on this issue. It was obviously imperative to get rid of Vedanta, but we talked about another way of doing it. Why did Lubinda Haabazoka endorse the PF-initiated liquidation of KCM when there was a shareholders’ agreement protecting Vedanta, and why did he not support our group’s proposal that the liquidation procedure should instead be initiated by a defrauded subcontractor to avoid involving the GRZ and ZCCM-IH in arbitration?

5.2 Ndola Lime
Why did he not hold IDC CEO Cornwell Muleya to account when ZCCM Defense recently condemned his culpable inaction regarding the $120 million that went up in smoke in a very 2suspicious manner? Why did Lubinda Haabazoka not relay the Committee on Parastatal Bodies’ unheeded recommendation to prosecute the crooks?

5.3 Silence on hidden documents
Lubinda Haabazoka and Elijah Mumba have called for a high level of transparency in the operations of ZCCM-IH. Why did the economist not react when Mines Minister Paul Kabuswe refused to answer parliamentarians’ questions about the details of the deal with IRH concerning Mopani?Why did Lubinda Haabazoka not question the GRZ when it refused to give the minority
shareholders the documents they had requested on the astronomical purchase of the 90% stake in Mopani? Or the documents concerning the Royalties of KMP deal with First Quantum Minerals?

On this subject, perhaps Lubinda Haabazoka will finally turn words into tangible actions, get a grip and quickly and delve into First Quantum’s 2024 accounts and then inform the Zambian people that paltry 3.1% KMP royalty is peanuts compared to the 20% of KMP’s colossal revenues that ZCCM-IH could have obtained without this deceptive deal…

6. Accusation of bootlicking
One wonders why the economist Lubinda Haabazoka is silent on such damaging facts for ZCCM-IH when he claims to want ZCCM-IH to be revived?His propensity to cajole and caress the governments in place that be is apparently not something new. He was the former President of the Economics Association of Zambia (EAZ).During his presidency , « the EAZ was so pro government it led to one of Zambia’s biggest donors the United Kingdom questioning the professionnalism of the Association » and he was accused of « bootlicking » former President Edgar Lungu. (Appendix 8)

7. Zambian Army
Lubinda Haabazoka said « Zambia only has three defenders: The Zambia Army, The Zambia Air Force, and The Zambia National Service ».

As far as ZCCM-IH is concerned, we totally disagree. For more than a year, The Zambia National Service has illegally seized and operates ZCCM-IH’s Mushe Milling mill without any authorisation. Where does the mealie meal go? What happens there? Are high ranking military officers involved in speculation of mealie meal to line their own pockets? Is this defending Zambians?

At the time of the closure of the Kasenseli gold mine, the Zambia National Service and Zambia Army were responsible for guarding the mine. Yet the fences and equipment were ransacked.Worse still, the Zambian army was even accused of mining the gold during the long years of closure. In response to the uproar and accusations, three ZNS officers were fired for illegal gold mining (Appendix 9). Is this defending Zambia? On the social Networks, Dr Haabazoka said « Maybe one day, I will be commander in chief of all armed forces in Zambia. » (Appendix 10)

If, one day, his prophecy comes true, we strongly encourage him to urge the Zambian military to really defend Zambia and to stop making them play millers or Jerabos to the detriment of ZCCM-IH and therefore Zambian interests…

8. Conclusion
It is distressing that investors in Zambia should be castigated in this way for exposing wrongdoing at ZCCM-IH and for wanting the company to be run according to high standards of governance and without malfeasance.This attack is all the more illegitimate as it comes from someone who claims that « if I had money, I would rather invest it in China than keep it in the country» (Appendix 11).

And this person has the impudence to go on to give lessons in patriotic morality and to denigrate investors who put their money into Zambia and want their investments safeguarded !Lubinda Haabazoka is perfectly right when he states that « The board members at ZCCM-IH represent us, and their voting should be based on what we, the Zambians, want. That interest is vested in the Zambian government, who are our representatives. Every five years, we go to the polls to appraise the
performance of these representatives. » But the Zambian people should not be misled by politicians and pseudo-experts and should be able to make an informed choice !

Meanwhile, for our all ill-intentioned detractors, ZCCM Defense will continue to inform Zambians of what is happening in their flagship ZCCM-IH as well as in the mining sector so that they are fully informed. ZCCM Defense will continue to defend the Company’s interests despite the bad eggs.

Issued by :
Thierry CHARLES
President of ZCCM Defense

APPENDIX 1 :

APPENDIX 2 :

Where are President Hichilema’s fine promises ?


APPENDIX 3 :
https://www.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=666417205906730&id=100076153686273&_rdr
APPENDIX 4 :
https://www.lusakatimes.com/2024/10/28/zccm-defense-association-formally-established-to-protect-
minority-shareholders-and-local-communities/
APPENDIX 5 :
https://www.pressreader.com/zambia/daily-nation-newspaper/20230513/281500755598619?
srsltid=AfmBOoo5PvGRMf3C7ymO_4ecgy9cLdcWqUl8BVndrP3DpUtZiVas1vwV
APPENDIX 6 :
source : ZAMBIA PRIVATISATION AGENCY – PRIVATISATION TRANSACTION SUMMARY SHEETS 1992 –
2005 – page n°76
APPENDIX 7 :
https://www.lusakatimes.com/2019/05/25/economics-association-of-zambia-endorses-kcm-
liquidation/
APPENDIX 8 :

Has Dr Lubinda Haabazoka’s Gamble paid off?


APPENDIX 9 :

ZNS Officers Fired for Illegal Gold Mining at Kasenseli


APPENDIX 10 :

APPENDIX 11 :
https://diggers.news/local/2024/05/06/upnd-has-focused-on-corruption-fight-neglecting-economy-dr-
haabazoka/

Maize is Plentiful – It’s Not About ZESCO

Chief Editor
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Maize is Plentiful – It’s Not About ZESCO

A closer look at Zambia’s bumper harvest and the real drivers behind reduced milling activity

By Adrian Gunduzani, The Observer

It is easy to observe, even without technical data, that maize is in abundance this season. Across rural roads, markets, and storage depots, one sees evidence of a nation that has harvested well. While the Millers Association of Zambia (MAZ) has raised concerns about reduced mealie meal demand and miller operations—attributing part of the challenge to power supply—this explanation misses the bigger picture. Zambia is not facing a supply problem. Quite the contrary: government-led agricultural policy is beginning to bear fruit.

The 2024–2025 farming season has seen a bumper harvest in many regions. This is not accidental. It is the result of deliberate planning and persistent follow-up on the part of the government. Last year’s fertilizer distribution may have started with a few logistical hiccups, but it was quickly stabilized. By the time the planting season was fully underway, cooperatives across the country had received inputs—largely on time—under the government’s input support programme; FISP and the credit facility.

Where there were pockets of mismanagement, for example in Mkushi, strong pronouncements were made. Government directed that any cooperative chairperson or member found to have misappropriated fertilizer or seed would be deregistered and face sanctions. Such policy clarity helped restore order and integrity to a system that had previously suffered from abuse and lax enforcement.

Thanks to this level of oversight, many farmers were empowered to grow. And grow they did. Today, most regions report healthy reserves of maize, with some localities even exceeding anticipated yields. Claims that mills are idle due to poor electricity supply are difficult to reconcile with what farmers and transporters on the ground are witnessing.

This season’s success is also rooted in Zambia’s broader economic reforms. Debt restructuring has freed up resources for agricultural inputs. Meanwhile, increased investment in rural infrastructure is also making it easier for farmers to transport and store their produce. These improvements are not immediate fixes, but they show that long-term planning is finally taking root. This cannot be ignored. Kulolekesha!

What the MAZ statement does highlight, albeit indirectly, is the need for stronger coordination between stakeholders. If mills will have slow production despite an abundant maize crop, then the conversation must shift toward issues of market linkages, storage strategy, demand forecasting and power supply. On the other hand, power cuts have been a reality for many sectors, but they are not new, and certainly not new enough to be blamed exclusively for market changes in an otherwise successful season.

Looking ahead, the next frontier is irrigation. The government has already begun laying the groundwork through winter maize projects and national service initiatives aimed at reducing dependency on rain-fed agriculture. Expanding these programs will ensure Zambia’s food security even in the face of climate shocks.

In a season marked by real progress, it is important that narratives reflect facts on the ground. There is maize. There is food security. And there is a growing agricultural system that—while not perfect—is moving in the right direction. The focus now should be on consolidating these gains and ensuring that every player in the value chain—from smallholder farmer to miller—is aligned and informed.

Zambia has done well. Let’s acknowledge the challenges, yes—but let’s not overlook the success.

President Hichilema Calls for Unity and National Values at Clergy Prayer Gathering

Chief Editor
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President Hichilema Calls for Unity and National Values at Clergy Prayer Gathering

The Clergy Prayer and Envisioning Gathering at the Mulungushi International Conference,
President Hakainde Hichilema has called on the church to continue serving as the moral compass of the nation, emphasizing the importance of unity, love, and hard work in shaping Zambia’s future.

Speaking at the Clergy Prayer and Envisioning Gathering at the Mulungushi International Conference Center on Tuesday, President Hichilema underscored the vital role of faith leaders in guiding the country’s moral and spiritual direction. The event served as a precursor to the upcoming National Day of Prayer on October 18.

“As the Psalmist reminds us, ‘Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord’ (Psalm 33:12),” President Hichilema said, urging religious leaders to instill fundamental values in children from an early age.

He also expressed gratitude for the blessing of rains in recent months, a crucial factor for the country’s agricultural and economic stability.

“The church should lead in teaching our children at an early stage the fundamental values that define our identity,” he said, reaffirming the government’s commitment to working alongside religious institutions in fostering national development.

President Hichilema reiterated that Zambia remains a nation under God and encouraged the clergy to continue preaching messages of peace, unity, and diligence.

“As a partner, the church has a crucial role in driving national development. We reaffirm our commitment to the supremacy of God as the Lord of our country, Zambia,” he stated.

The National Day of Prayer, scheduled for October 18, is an annual observance dedicated to seeking divine guidance and promoting national unity.

The Clergy Prayer and Envisioning Gathering at the Mulungushi International Conference,

Mulenga Cries For Locals Mine Benefits

Chief Editor
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Mulenga Cries For Locals Mine Benefits

Copperbelt-based good governance experts have urged the Government to act urgently and safeguard the interest of local contractors, suppliers, and communities on the Copperbelt amid complaints against mining firms.

Local contractors, suppliers, and communities have been protesting over inadequate business opportunities and jobs in the mining sector.

Mr. Mulenga said complaints that mining firms prefer to deal with foreign entities when it comes to supplying; contracting and employing workers were genuine.

“Government action is urgently needed in response to the concerns expressed by Copperbelt suppliers, contractors, and other stakeholders about the activities of Mopani and KCM investors. According to the suppliers, major mining firms are favouring foreign companies for business, disregarding corporate social investment in mining towns, putting local businesses last, and delaying supplier payments by up to 90 to 120 days. Economic stability is being threatened by this circumstance, and the Copperbelt’s population is becoming increasingly dissatisfied,” Mr. Mulenga said.

He said there is a need for the Government to be proactive in order to earn confidence from local contractors, suppliers, and mining communities.

“It is intolerable for local contractors and suppliers to be excluded from significant involvement in mining-related operations. Foreign companies shouldn’t be given preferential treatment over Zambian companies, especially when there is local expertise and capacity. Additionally, small and medium-sized businesses are being severely hampered by late payments, which make it hard for them to maintain operations, compensate staff, and reinvest in expansion. These problems are made worse by the lack of substantial corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs, which deprive mining communities of vital investments in healthcare, education, and infrastructure,” Mr. Mulenga said.

He said the mining industry must be managed responsibly and inclusively for long-term economic stability and the advancement of the country.

“They could have implemented the local content if they so desired, but they have been holding off on doing so for much too long. To solve these issues, the government must act decisively. In order to guarantee that a significant percentage of mining contracts are given to Zambian-owned companies, it should first enforce local procurement limits. Second, in order to avoid financial hardship for nearby companies, stringent payment rules that mandate mining companies complete payments with suppliers within 30 days must be implemented.”

“In order to protect companies from late payments, the government should also set up a Supplier Protection Fund or guarantee program. Investments in mining must yield observable advantages for the people of the Copperbelt. By implementing laws that guarantee ethical corporate practices, prompt payments, and significant social investment, the government may safeguard nearby companies and communities. Inaction will only increase public annoyance and erode confidence in the Government and investors,” Mr. Mulenga concluded.

Is the PF Poised to Unseat HH in 2026?

Chief Editor
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Is the PF Poised to Unseat HH in 2026?

By Kapya Kaoma

This question is on the minds of many Zambians, yet the answer remains elusive. Zambian political history suggests a grim fate for any party that loses power: it risks extinction. This history has emboldened UPND political commentators and insiders alike, using it as ammunition in their organizational strategy: “The PF will never reclaim power; history proves it!” Yet, the PF may stand a stronger chance of unseating the UPND in the upcoming 2026 elections than many are willing to acknowledge.

Dismissing this possibility ignores one key factor. It’s uncertain whether Zambian politics will continue to support an ever-growing number of political parties. What is certain, however, is that the UPND won’t vanish even if President Hakainde Hichilema loses in 2026. Should that happen, he would undoubtedly seek to run again in 2031 on the UPND ticket, as long as Southern Province—and its ethnic dominance—exists. Like many political movements worldwide, the party’s strength is rooted in its ethnic identity, allowing it to remain a formidable presence without the need for widespread organization elsewhere in the nation.

In contrast, the PF lacks a defined tribal or ethnic stronghold. Instead, its resilience lies in what social movement theorists call “laden structures”—existing institutions in various provinces, a legacy left by its founder, Michael Sata. The PF government excelled at establishing local chapters, a strategy that ultimately engulfed the MMD long before it captured Plot 1.

Moreover, the PF has refused to retreat quietly into the shadows after its 2021 electoral defeat. The political witch hunts and often politically motivated prosecutions under Hichilema’s administration have inadvertently forged the PF’s identity as a persecuted party. This witch hunt not only fosters solidarity within its ranks but also shapes public perception of Hichilema’s regime.

Hichilema’s repeated attacks on certain ethnic groups, particularly the Bembas and Easterners, have fueled further resentment among substantial segments of the electorate. Adding insult to injury, many voters from the PF base have noted that they were left out of agricultural assistance schemes that benefited UPND strongholds, providing fertile ground for the PF to exploit ethnic grievances in rural areas.

The economic situation has further played into the PF’s hands, with Hichilema’s once-promising campaign focused on economic reform now overshadowed by its own pitfalls. Faced with soaring inflation and crippling debt, Hichilema has backpedaled on nearly all his campaign commitments, contributing to a steep decline in his political popularity.

The return of former president Edgar Lungu to active politics has sent shockwaves through Hichilema’s administration, triggering a sense of urgency and panic. Rather than allowing time to prepare for a potential rematch in 2026, Hichilema has resorted to using law enforcement strategies to neutralize his opponents. This has resulted in a series of humiliations for the Lungu family and a rising sense of sympathy and support for Lungu in the public sphere. While some legal actions may be justified, many perceive them as mere “mingalatos” designed to stifle the PF’s resurgence.

In doing so, Hichilema has unwillingly aided the PF’s reorganization efforts in forging alliances with smaller parties. It remains uncertain whether these alliances will endure until election day. Should the economic situation improve dramatically, Hichilema could reestablish his political footing. Yet, the harsh reality remains: the PF has effectively painted Hichilema as a failure. Thus, they stand a better chance of regaining power—if they can present a compelling candidate.

Aware of this precarious situation, Hichilema will likely do everything in his power to halt the PF’s momentum. Nevertheless, it appears that, for now, the toothpaste is already out of the tube. No wonder the UPND is now retreating to the tactics of pre 1990 “one-party regime”—forcing civil servants, school children, and ordinary people to attend its political rallies!

New Dawn for Zambia: Justice Minister Announces Constitutional Changes

Lusaka Times Editor
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New Dawn for Zambia: Justice Minister Announces Constitutional Changes

Lusaka, March 26, 2025 – Justice Minister Princess Kasune has laid out a comprehensive roadmap for Zambia’s long-awaited constitutional amendments, signaling a decisive shift towards equity, accountability, and governance efficiency.

Outlined in Parliament today, the reform agenda anchored in the UPND’s 2021-2026 Manifesto seeks to address systemic imbalances in resource allocation, political representation, and electoral processes. The amendments, expected to shape Zambia’s democratic trajectory, will undergo public scrutiny before their finalization on July 25, 2025.

With Parliament leading the charge, the process kicks off immediately, beginning with today’s update, an Electoral Commission report on April 22, drafting from April 23 to May 20, and public consultations from May 21 to June 21. The phased approach aims to ensure broad-based participation, reinforcing transparency and inclusivity.

Among the key reforms proposed are constituency delimitation for fairer CDF distribution, guaranteed parliamentary seats for women, youth, and persons with disabilities, and the elimination of costly by-elections which have drained K264 million since 2021. Other changes include harmonizing MPs’ terms, reintegrating lawmakers into councils, and closing legal loopholes affecting ministerial tenure, petitions, and electoral procedures.

The full official statement follows

Justice Minister Princess Kasune Unveils Constitutional Roadmap for a Fairer and More Equitable Zambia

Lusaka – The Honourable Minister of Justice, Princess Kasune, MP, today announced a roadmap for constitutional amendments, presented to Parliament on behalf of the UPND New Dawn Administration. Rooted in the UPND 2021-2026 Manifesto, these changes prioritize equity and inclusion and have been repeatedly advocated by a cross-section of our people.

We’re tackling long-overdue issues—ensuring resources like the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) reflect constituency size and population, not just uniform allocation, addressing disparities where some areas rival European nations in scale yet receive the same as smaller ones. These changes will ensure women, youth, and differently-abled citizens have a guaranteed voice in Parliament and cut wasteful by-election costs, which have amounted to K264 million since 2021.

Since July 2024, the Electoral Commission of Zambia’s Technical Committee—comprising political parties, churches, academia, youth groups, and eminent persons—has gathered stakeholder views, reinforcing these non-contentious reforms.

The bill will be gazetted for 30 days, giving every Zambian the opportunity to take part and shape these reforms.

Hon. Princess Kasune outlined key changes:

Constituency Delimitation: Amend Articles 58 & 68 to redraw boundaries for equitable CDF distribution by size and population.

Candidate Resignation: Amend Article 52(6) to proceed with elections if a candidate resigns, avoiding fresh nominations.

Enhanced Representation: Amend Articles 47(2) & 68 to guarantee seats for women, youth, and persons with disabilities.

MPs in Councils: Amend Article 153(2) to reintegrate MPs into local councils for development synergy.

Election Petition Clarity: Amend Articles 73(2), 101(5), & 103(2) to determine petitions within 90 or 14 days.

By-Election Reform: Amend Article 57 to end party vacancy by-elections, saving K264 million plus K3.9 million per candidate.

Nominated MPs Increase: Amend Article 68(2)(b) to raise nominated MPs beyond eight, as set by Parliament.

MP Term Harmonization: Amend Articles 81 & 266 to fix Parliament’s term at five full years.

Ministers’ Vacancy: Amend Article 116 to vacate ministerial offices 90 days pre-election to curb misuse.

Mayor Term Limits: Amend Article 154(2)(b) to remove the two-term cap for mayors.

Secretary to Cabinet: Amend Article 176(3) to lower experience from 10 to 5 years for eligibility.

Attorney-General Continuity: Amend Articles 178(1)(b) & 179(4)(b) to retain officials until new appointments.

Child/Adult Definitions: Amend Article 266 to clarify “child” as under 18 and “adult” as 18+.

The Noose Tightens: Zambia’s Descent Into Authoritarianism

Lusaka Times Editor
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The Noose Tightens: Zambia’s Descent Into Authoritarianism

The Noose Tightens: Zambia’s Descent Into Authoritarianism

By Kangwa Siloka – Poet and SP member

Lusaka, Zambia – The police summons arrived like a late-night knock at the door ominous in its vagueness, terrifying in its implications. Dr. Fred M’membe, the Socialist Party president whose razor-sharp critiques have made him Public Enemy Number One in the eyes of Zambia’s ruling elite, was to present himself at Police Headquarters. No charges. No explanations. Just the unmistakable message: We can reach you whenever we choose. or another cold, bureaucratic language of state power flexing its muscle: “You won’t be kept longer than is absolutely necessary.”

Then, in a move as predictable as it was cynical, the state blinked. The interrogation was postponed indefinitely not canceled, not abandoned, but left hanging like a sword over M’membe’s neck. A psychological game perfected by regimes across the continent: the threat of arrest is often more paralyzing than the arrest itself.

A Well-Worn Playbook

This is not governance it is theater. Bad theater at that. The UPND administration under Hakainde Hichilema has mastered the art of democratic backsliding while maintaining plausible deniability. Summon. Intimidate. Release. Repeat. The goal is not to convict but to exhaust to drain opposition figures of resources, morale, and public sympathy through endless legal harassment.

The numbers tell a damning story. Since 2021, over 37 opposition members and activists have been arrested under dubious circumstances, according to the Zambian Human Rights Commission. Charges are rarely sustained in court, but the process itself becomes the punishment a tactic borrowed from the very PF regime Hichilema once condemned. The irony is as thick as the smoke over Lusaka’s shantytowns.

The Anatomy of a Crackdown

What makes M’membe’s case particularly revealing is its timing. The Socialist Party has been gaining ground in urban strongholds, its message of wealth redistribution resonating with a population crushed by austerity measures. When political opposition grows too loud, the state reaches for its favorite tools:

  1. The Bureaucratic Noose – Endless rescheduling of court dates and interrogations to keep opponents in legal limbo
  2. The Financial Stranglehold – Tying up resources in legal defenses while starving campaigns of funding
  3. The Spectacle of Force – Public arrests designed to send a message to would-be dissenters

This is how democracies die, not with a bang, but with a thousand bureaucratic whimpers.

The Ghosts of Past Regimes

Hichilema’s greatest failure is that he has become what he once despised. The man who spent years in courtrooms fighting trumped-up treason charges now presides over a system that uses the same playbook against his critics. M’membe’s invocation of Bemba proverbs cuts deep because it exposes this hypocrisy: “Icikutilwe tacumfwa ndibu”—the idiot doesn’t hear the warning bell.

History shows that regimes which criminalize opposition inevitably collapse under the weight of their own paranoia. From Kaunda’s one-party state to Chiluba’s selective prosecutions, Zambia has seen this script before. The difference today? The tools of repression are more sophisticated, the international community more distracted, and the economic stakes higher.

In his statement, M’membe invoked a Bemba proverb: “Mweo wa muntu, waba mu kutwi”—the life of a person is in the ear. To listen is to survive; to ignore wisdom is to invite destruction. It was a pointed message to President Hichilema, a man who once stood where M’membe stands now hounded by the state, persecuted for his beliefs.

But power has a way of distorting memory. The same Hichilema who once decried the abuse of state machinery under Edgar Lungu now presides over a regime that employs the same tactics. The frog who refused to listen, as the proverb warns, bursts its eardrum.

The Coming Storm

Make no mistake this postponement is not mercy. It’s the calm before the storm. The Socialist Party’s call for supporters to stand down is prudent but precarious. Every day the sword remains unsheathed is another day of self-censorship, of activists looking over their shoulders, of journalists weighing each word.

Yet in this darkness, there are embers of resistance. The very fact that M’membe could publicly shame the regime speaks to cracks in the facade. The growing international scrutiny, the restless youth population, the economic discontent these are forces even the most sophisticated authoritarian playbook cannot contain forever.

As Zambia teeters on the edge, one truth becomes self-evident: when a government fears its people more than its people fear the government, the endgame has already begun. The question is not if the reckoning will come, but how much of Zambia’s soul will be left when it does.

In the grand theater of repression, every postponed interrogation is an admission of fear. And in that fear, the people may yet find their power.

Tonse Alliance Challenges Constitutional Court Ruling on Lungu’s Eligibility

Lusaka Times Editor
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Tonse Alliance Challenges Constitutional Court Ruling on Lungu’s Eligibility

Tonse Alliance Challenges Constitutional Court Ruling on Lungu’s Eligibility

The Tonse Alliance filed in a petition before the Constitutional Court seeking to overturn the court’s December 2024 ruling that barred former President Edgar Chagwa Lungu from contesting future presidential elections.

The alliance argues that the court’s decision in the Michelo Chizombe case was unconstitutional, legally flawed, and inconsistent with its own precedents. The petition seeks to clear the way for Lungu’s potential candidacy in the 2026 general elections.

Below is the full statement:

Tonse Alliance Statement on the Filing of a Petition Regarding the Eligibility of Dr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu to Contest Future Presidential Elections

Liberty House, 25th March 2025

  1. The Tonse Alliance confirms that this morning, we successfully filed a petition before the Constitutional Court of Zambia regarding the eligibility of Dr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu to contest future presidential elections.
  2. The petition seeks the court’s intervention to overturn its ruling of 10th December 2024 in the Michelo Chizombe case, where the court declared Dr. Lungu ineligible to stand for future presidential elections. Our petition is based on three key grounds:
1. The Court Contravened the Constitution
  1. Our petition argues that the Michelo Chizombe decision violates Article 52(4) of the Constitution, which prohibits courts from determining a candidate’s eligibility unless they have already filed their nomination with the Electoral Commission. This principle was upheld in the Christopher Shakafuswa case (2018), where the court declined to rule on Shakafuswa’s eligibility for mayor since he had not yet filed his nomination.
    • Despite this precedent, the Constitutional Court proceeded to rule on Lungu’s eligibility in December 2024 even though he has not yet submitted his nomination for the 2026 elections.
    • This constitutes a clear breach of the Constitution and an unexplained departure from the court’s own jurisprudence.
2. The Judgment Was Per Incuriam (Made in Error)
  1. The Michelo Chizombe decision is legally flawed because the court failed to consider Article 267(3)(b) and (c) of the Constitution. Had these provisions been applied, the court would not have reached its conclusion that Lungu is ineligible.
    • The judgment is therefore per incuriam (rendered in error due to overlooking critical law).
3. The Court Misrepresented Its Own Precedents
  1. In its December 2024 ruling, the Constitutional Court claimed it was overturning its previous decisions in the Legal Resources Foundation and Dr. Dan Pule cases because it had not considered Sections 2 and 7 of the Constitution of Zambia (Amendment) Act No. 1 of 2016.
    • However, a review of those judgments shows that the court did reference these sections (pages J35, J45, J70-J71).
    • There was, therefore, no valid legal basis for the court to abandon its earlier rulings.
Conclusion
  1. As the Tonse Alliance, we are confident that our petition will be considered expeditiously. Clarity on this matter is crucial so that Dr. Lungu can resume his campaigns in preparation for the 2026 elections. We remain committed to uplifting the well-being of the Zambian people beyond 2026.

Issued by:
Sean E. Tembo (SET)
PeP President & Tonse Alliance Spokesperson
Lusaka, Zambia

Court Victory Solidifies Sampa’s One-Man Show in PF Leadership

Lusaka Times Editor
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Court Victory Solidifies Sampa’s One-Man Show in PF Leadership

In a ruling that cements his controversial consolidation of power, Patriotic Front (PF faction) president Miles Sampa has emerged victorious from the High Court, clearing the way for him to maintain his unprecedented triple role as party president, acting secretary general, and Matero constituency MP.

The court’s decision, delivered yesterday, represents a significant setback for Sampa’s internal party challengers while raising fresh questions about democratic norms within Zambia’s largest opposition party.

Legal Battles Resolved
The High Court made two crucial determinations:

  1. Ngona’s Termination Upheld
    The court confirmed Sampa’s June 30, 2024 dismissal of Morgan Ngona as PF Secretary General, discharging an earlier stay that had temporarily kept Ngona in position. This validates Sampa’s contentious decision to fire the party’s top administrator shortly after assuming the presidency.
  2. Chabinga’s Application Dismissed
    The bench rejected an attempt by Robert Chabinga to join the case, ruling the former minister lacked standing in what the court deemed an internal leadership matter. The decision effectively sidelines another potential challenger to Sampa’s authority.

Power Consolidation Continues
With these legal hurdles cleared, the case now proceeds to examine Ngona’s claim that Sampa lacked authority to terminate him – a curious argument given Sampa’s dual role as both president and acting secretary general.

Political analyst Dr. Lee Habasonda notes: “This ruling allows Sampa to maintain his unusual concentration of power. He now controls both the presidency and secretariat – essentially becoming judge, jury and executioner in party matters.”

Sampa’s Victory Lap
Flanked by his legal team – many working pro bono – Sampa struck a triumphant tone outside the courthouse:

“Today’s judgment proves everything I do, no matter how unconventional, serves to strengthen PF. While others create chaos, I’m rebuilding our party structure from the ground up.”

The Matero MP didn’t miss the opportunity to needle the ruling UPND, warning them to “focus on governing rather than meddling in opposition affairs.”

Institutional Notifications
Sampa’s lawyers have already served notice of the ruling to:

  • The National Assembly of Zambia
  • Electoral Commission of Zambia
  • Registrar of Societies

This procedural move suggests the PF president anticipates further challenges to his authority and wants all state institutions recognizing his consolidated leadership.

What Comes Next?
With the preliminary matters settled, the case now moves to its substantive phase examining:

  • The validity of Ngona’s dismissal
  • Sampa’s authority to make unilateral leadership decisions
  • Constitutional implications of one individual holding multiple key positions

Political observers note the irony of Sampa – who once championed internal democracy – now ruling the party through what critics call “one-man constitutionalism.”

As one veteran PF member lamented anonymously: “We’ve gone from collective leadership to a one-man orchestra. The court may have ruled this legal, but is it sustainable?”

For now, Sampa’s unprecedented experiment in concentrated opposition leadership continues – with Zambia’s political landscape watching closely to see whether this model collapses under its own weight or becomes a blueprint for opposition survival.

Divorce Drama: Man Forfeits Family Home After Failed Attempt to Hide Property in Mother’s Name

Lusaka Times Editor
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Divorce Drama: Man Forfeits Family Home After Failed Attempt to Hide Property in Mother’s Name

Divorce Drama: Man Forfeits Family Home After Failed Attempt to Hide Property in Mother’s Name

By Dickson Jere.

In a divorce case that exposes the lengths some will go to hide marital assets, the Lusaka High Court has delivered a scathing judgment against a man who tried to shield his family home by registering it in his mother’s name after divorce proceedings began. The landmark ruling in Twinjika v Twinjika (2020/HP/D/F/299) handed the Salama Park property to the ex-wife, while revealing a telling paper trail of deception.

The Breakdown of a Marriage
The couple’s marital troubles began in 2020 when they filed for divorce, culminating in the formal dissolution of their union in May 2021. What followed was a bitter two-year battle over their assets, particularly their Salama Park home – a property that would become the center of an extraordinary legal showdown.

During the March 2022 property settlement hearings, the court initially awarded the wife the family home along with other assets. However, when she attempted to take possession, she was shocked to discover the Certificate of Title bore her mother-in-law’s name rather than her ex-husband’s.

A House of Cards
The court proceedings uncovered a fascinating timeline:

  • The property was purchased in 2019 during the marriage, with the Contract of Sale clearly showing the husband as the purchaser
  • The couple lived in the home as their matrimonial residence while waiting for the title deeds to be processed
  • Divorce proceedings commenced in 2020
  • The property settlement hearings took place in April 2021
  • Crucially, the title was registered in the mother’s name on June 2, 2021 – after settlement hearings but before final judgment

“This sequence of events speaks volumes,” the judge noted in the March 20, 2025 ruling. “The timing of the title transfer raises serious questions about the bona fides of this transaction.”

The Legal Battle
In court, the ex-wife’s legal team presented compelling arguments:

  1. The 2019 sale contract proved the property was acquired during the marriage with marital funds
  2. The home was expressly purchased as the family residence
  3. The husband never raised any ownership objections during initial settlement hearings
  4. The mother’s sudden appearance on the title coincided suspiciously with the pending judgment

“The Petitioner’s conduct suggests a deliberate attempt to frustrate the property settlement,” the judgment states. “Registering the title in his mother’s name at that particular juncture can only be viewed as an afterthought designed to shield the asset.”

The Mother Factor
Legal experts have noted the unusual aspect that the mother was never joined to the proceedings to explain her alleged ownership.

“Normally, courts are reluctant to make determinations that affect third parties not before them,” explained prominent family lawyer Maureen Mwanawasa. “However, in this case, the overwhelming evidence of the timing and circumstances surrounding the title transfer created an exceptional situation where the court felt compelled to act.”

The Final Judgment
In his decisive ruling, Justice [Redacted] made several key findings:

  1. The property was legitimately acquired as a matrimonial home using marital funds
  2. The husband’s failure to raise ownership claims during initial hearings was telling
  3. The timing of the title transfer to the mother was highly suspect
  4. The property rightfully formed part of the marital estate

The court therefore:

  • Declared the Salama Park home to be matrimonial property
  • Vested full ownership in the ex-wife
  • Additionally awarded her a Mercedes Benz C-Class vehicle (registration number withheld)
  • Established that last-minute title transfers cannot override prior marital claims

A Warning to Others
Family law practitioners say this judgment sends a clear message to divorcing couples attempting to hide assets.

“This ruling shows that courts will look beyond surface documentation to the true facts of asset acquisition,” noted legal analyst Simeza Mwale. “If a property was bought as a family home during the marriage, no amount of post-separation paperwork games will change its status as matrimonial property.”

The judge put it even more bluntly: “The matrimonial home remains family property regardless of attempts to manipulate ownership records. This court will not allow such transparent schemes to succeed.”

As the ex-wife finally takes possession of her rightful share, the case serves as both a cautionary tale and an important precedent in Zambia’s family law jurisprudence.

Dickson Jere is an award-winning legal journalist with 15 years experience covering Zambia’s courts. Additional analysis by legal correspondent Brenda Mwansa.

Government Assures Fair Fuel Access Amid Claims of Monopoly in TAZAMA Pipeline Storage

Lusaka Times Editor
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7
Government Assures Fair Fuel Access Amid Claims of Monopoly in TAZAMA Pipeline Storage

Government Assures Fair Fuel Access Amid Claims of Monopoly in TAZAMA Pipeline Storage

Energy Minister Hon. Makozo Chikote has addressed concerns raised over alleged monopolistic practices in the use of the TAZAMA Pipeline storage facilities, following reports that Agro Fuel Investments Limited had reserved tank space, blocking other stakeholders from accessing cheaper fuel.

The issue was brought to Parliament by Bweengwa Member of Parliament, Mr. Kasautu Saiti Michelo, referencing a News Diggers article titled “Open Access Hits a Snag as Agro Fuel Fills TAZAMA Reserve Tanks, Hinders Offloading of a Cheaper Diesel.”

In his ministerial statement, Hon. Chikote outlined the government’s reforms in the petroleum sector, emphasizing transparency and competition. He refuted claims of unfair storage allocation, assuring that the Open Access Framework set for full implementation in April 2025 will ensure equitable participation for all qualified oil marketing companies.

Below is the full statement:

Ministerial Statement by Hon. Makozo Chikote – MP, Minister of Energy, on the Alleged Decision by Agro Fuel Investments Limited to Fill Up the Reserve Tanks at TAZAMA Pipeline, Thereby Blocking the Storage of Cheaper Fuel by Other Stakeholders

Madam Speaker,

I thank you for this opportunity to issue a ministerial statement in response to the urgent matter raised without notice by the Honourable Member of Parliament for Bweengwa, Mr. Kasautu Saiti Michelo. This relates to the News Diggers headline dated 20th March 2025, titled “Open Access Hits a Snag as Agro Fuel Fills TAZAMA Reserve Tanks, Hinders Offloading of a Cheaper Diesel.”

Madam Speaker,

Before I address the headline issue, let me give a brief background and highlight key developments in the petroleum sub-sector.

When the people of Zambia placed their trust in the New Dawn Government in 2021 under the able leadership of the Republican President Mr. Hakainde Hichilema, a commitment was made to deliver meaningful reforms that would transform the economy, bring relief to our citizens, and repair the damage caused by years of mismanagement in the petroleum sector.

We inherited a fuel supply system that was not transparent and designed to benefit a few at the expense of the majority. The previous regime was involved in price fixing, which resulted in huge debt to our government.

As of August 2021, the New Dawn Government inherited fuel debt amounting to $ 477,798,993.10 .This amount grew to $877,175,158.27 as of 31st March 2024 due to poorly drafted contracts by the previous government.

The New Dawn Government took bold steps to restructure this sector, ensuring that Zambians get the best value for money while guaranteeing a stable and transparent supply of petroleum products.

Key Reforms Implemented:

  1. Ending government’s direct involvement in petroleum procurement and financing – bringing efficiency to the fuel supply chain.
  2. Converting the TAZAMA Pipeline from transporting crude oil to transporting diesel.
  3. Implementing Open Access to the TAZAMA Pipeline – ensuring competition, transparency, and fairness in the fuel supply system.

Madam Speaker,

Because of these reforms, we have achieved:

  1. Lower transportation costs for diesel, passing the savings to the consumer;
  2. Increased participation of Zambian entrepreneurs in the petroleum supply chain, creating jobs and business opportunities;
  3. A transparent, competitive process for pipeline access that promotes lower prices, fairness, and accountability.

Madam Speaker,

The conversion of the TAZAMA Pipeline has attracted misleading headlines. Let me set the record straight.

In September 2022, the government, through TAZAMA, floated an open competitive tender for the supply of kerosene to clean the pipeline. The tender also included the supply of diesel, which was required to displace the crude oil deadstock. After a transparent process, Agro-Fuel Investment, in a joint venture with Vitol Bahrain, was awarded the tender.

Let me be clear: The cleaning of the pipeline was done by TAZAMA itself. The conversion commenced on 24th January 2023 and was successfully completed on 16th March 2023.

Madam Speaker,

When the pipeline conversion was completed, oil marketing companies (OMCs) were invited to participate. To avoid supply disruptions, the government allowed selected companies to use the pipeline on an interim basis, ensuring stability while finalizing Open Access modalities.

As promised, the New Dawn Government has now fully developed the Open Access Framework, and the first cargoes under this system will arrive in April 2025. This is a testament to our determination to deliver on our pledges.

Following a prequalification process, 18 oil marketing companies have been cleared to participate in this new, transparent system.

After prequalification, as per the Open Access guidelines, the next stage was to subject prequalified OMCs to monthly invitations to submit competitive offers for three (3) lots in quantities of 35,000 metric tonnes per lot.

Madam Speaker,

With invitations now in motion for competitive offers, two tenders have been successfully conducted for April and May 2025, with the following results:

April 2025 – Winning Premium: USD 84 per metric tonne

  • Lot 1: Titanium/ADNOC – 35,000MT
  • Lot 2: Boltt Energy – 35,000MT
  • Lot 3: Indeni Energy – 35,000MT

May 2025 – Winning Premium: USD 54 per metric tonne

  • Lot 1: Agro-Fuel/Vitol – 35,000MT
  • Lot 2: Titanium/ADNOC – 35,000MT
  • Lot 3: Dalbit International – 35,000MT

Madam Speaker,

The Open Access Framework has brought in competition that has compelled OMCs to cut their profits, as demonstrated in the recent tenders. It is, therefore, the New Dawn Government’s resolve to ensure that this competition is sustained.

Madam Speaker,

Let me now address the headline concern which appeared in News Diggers.

I have noted certain media reports suggesting that storage space at TAZAMA in Dar es Salaam has been filled up to block other players with cheaper fuel. Let me assure this House and the nation that TAZAMA is fully prepared to receive the first vessel under the Open Access Framework in April 2025. Let me also be clear that TAZAMA has put in place measures to ensure that subsequent cargoes expected under the Open Access Framework will offload and have the required storage space.

Madam Speaker,

In conclusion, this government is not here to perpetuate business as usual. We are here to deliver change, to fix what was broken, and to ensure that Zambians benefit from an economy that works for everyone, not just a few well-connected individuals.

The measures we have taken in the petroleum sector will ensure:

  • Affordable fuel prices for every Zambian;
  • A reliable and secure fuel supply;
  • More Zambian participation in the petroleum supply chain.

To this end, the New Dawn Government is committed to ensuring that the fuel supply system in Zambia remains sustainable, competitive, and transparent.

Madam Speaker, I thank you.

End.

President Hichilema leads push for constitutional amendment ahead of 2026 elections

Chief Editor
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President Hichilema leads push for constitutional amendment ahead of 2026 elections

By Venus N Msyani

The debate over amending Zambia’s constitution before the 2026 elections has taken center stage, with President Hakainde Hichilema leading the charge. This marks a historic moment, as no sitting Zambian president has ever spearheaded a constitutional amendment agenda.

President Hichilema has cited public sentiment at events he attends as evidence of widespread support for the amendment. However, critics argue that the Public Order Act, which restricts protests, makes it difficult to challenge his claims. Speaking at a Women’s Day celebration in Kasama, Northern Province, Hichilema stated, “I take it that as a nation we agree that we will amend the constitution before the 2026 election so we can deliver more opportunities for women and society as a whole.”

This assertion has raised questions: who exactly has agreed? At a Youth Day event in Mongu, Western Province, Hichilema sought to validate his claim by asking the crowd, “Do you agree that we amend the constitution?” The crowd responded with a resounding “YES.” He concluded, “The owners of the country, the youth, have agreed.”

The president’s motives have sparked debate. Information and Media Minister Cornelius Mweetwa defended Hichilema’s actions, stating, “The president has the right to reposition himself for 2026 because he is in a democratic competition. Positioning himself to win an election is perfectly in order.” This acknowledgment has led some to conclude that the constitutional amendment push is part of Hichilema’s strategy for the upcoming elections.

Key issues driving the amendment debate include proportional representation for women, youth, and disabled individuals in governance, the elimination of by-elections, and the delimitation of constituencies to improve service delivery. However, critics argue that these goals could be achieved without constitutional changes. For instance, political parties could sponsor more women candidates under the current constitution, and improving infrastructure in underserved constituencies might be a more effective way to enhance service delivery.

Some speculate that Hichilema’s push for constitutional amendments may be aimed at extending his time in office. This speculation contrasts with his earlier stance against leaders prolonging their terms, as expressed during a panel at the United States Institute of Peace three years ago. At the time, he stated, “Ten years is enough. Whatever years you agree, some are here extending terms – six, seven years. No, please!”

Today, rumors suggest that the New Dawn administration may seek to increase presidential terms from five to seven years. Critics question whether Hichilema’s current actions are laying the groundwork for such a change, potentially contradicting his earlier statements.

The sudden push for constitutional amendments has also raised concerns about governance priorities. Critics argue that the focus should be on addressing pressing issues like the high cost of living, which remains a top concern for Zambians. Additionally, questions have been raised about whether the current constitution indeed prevents political parties from sponsoring more women candidates or whether the delimitation of constituencies could be better addressed through infrastructure development, such as building modern roads and bridges.

Hichilema’s recent reshuffles have further fueled speculation about his intentions. When asked about critics’ concerns that these moves were aimed at positioning himself for the 2026 elections, Mweetwa responded, “The president has the right to reposition and position himself for 2026.” This statement has been interpreted as an admission that the constitutional amendment push may be politically motivated.

Ultimately, President Hichilema’s push for constitutional amendments has drawn scrutiny, with many urging him to abandon the agenda and focus on pressing issues that matter most to Zambians. While the debate continues, the high cost of living and other immediate challenges remain at the forefront of public concern.

Ranking Member Shaheen Urges Bipartisan Support to Re-Authorize PEPFAR

Chief Editor
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Ranking Member Shaheen Urges Bipartisan Support to Re-Authorize PEPFAR

U.S. Senator Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, issued the following statement on the deadline for PEPFAR Re-Authorization:

“The President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) is the world’s largest bilateral HIV/AIDS assistance program. Since its creation by President George W. Bush, it has remained one of the most successful, bipartisan programs ever. PEPFAR has saved over 26 million lives across 55 countries—preventing the transfer of HIV/AIDS to more than 7.8 million children.

“Despite the overwhelming success of the program, PEPFAR’s efforts to protect millions have been impaired by the Trump Administration’s termination of foreign assistance and dismantling of USAID. The current administration has made many empty promises and assured Congress that the life-saving humanitarian assistance of PEPFAR will continue. But the reality is, PEPFAR funds remain on hold or have been cut entirely. As we reach the deadline to re-authorize PEPFAR, key provisions are set to expire today—provisions that require that 50% of total funding go towards treatment and that 10% go towards helping orphans and vulnerable children.

“The time to act is now. Congress must work together to re-authorize this bipartisan program for a full five years and send a clear signal to the Trump Administration that America will not back down from our commitment to save lives.”

Zambia Begins Feasibility Study on Water Transfer from Luapula to Kafue River

Chief Editor
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Zambia Begins Feasibility Study on Water Transfer from Luapula to Kafue River

The UPND government has initiated a research study on the potential transfer of water from the Luapula River to the Kafue River, a move aimed at addressing the country’s persistent drought challenges.

Minister of Water Development and Sanitation Collins Nzovu confirmed the development, stating that the feasibility study is being conducted in collaboration with Power China International Group Limited at no cost to the government.

“This memorandum (MoU) was signed between Power China International Group Limited and the Government of Zambia through the Ministry of Water Development and Sanitation,” Mr. Nzovu said in an interview on Tuesday.

He emphasized that the project is a crucial step toward strengthening national resilience against the effects of climate change. Zambia has been grappling with recurring droughts, threatening both water supply and agricultural productivity.

However, the minister clarified that the study remains in its preliminary phase, with internal consultations still ongoing.

“It is important to understand that the draft planning feasibility study is a preliminary document and not the final version or the definitive proposal for the water transfer project,” Mr. Nzovu explained.

The initiative signals the government’s growing focus on long-term water security and climate adaptation strategies. More details on the project’s viability and implementation are expected as the study progresses.

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